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BOSTON UNIVERSITY
GRADUATE SCHOOL
Thesis

SHAKESPEARE'S HENRY V: A CRITICAL STUDY OF A
DRAMATIC CHARACTER

Submitted by
Lillia Maie Hill
(B.S. in Ed., Boston University 1925)
In partial fulfilment of requirements for
the degree of Master of Arts
1930

BOSTON UNIVERSITY
COLLEGE OF LIBERAL ARTS
LIBRARY

p (a \ A b

OUTLINE FOR
SHAKESPEARE 1 S HENRY V: A CRITICAL STUDY OF
A DRAMATIC CHARACTER

An.

Im Modern Historical Appraisal of Henry V page 2

A. Outstanding facts of his life and character as
presented by Mowat

1. Records of the Privy Council

2, Public documents

3* Other contemporary evidence
4, Traditions

II. Shakespeare's Sources and Use of Them page 18

A. Holinshed's "Chronicles"

B. "Famous Victories of Henry V"

III. Analysis of Shakespeare's Henry V page 29

A. The prince and king portrayed in "Henry N" and

"Henry V"

B. Mowat* s conception of Shakespeare* s Henry V

IV. Dramatic and Theatrical Criticism of "Henry V"

Since Shakespeare page 56

A. Prejudice shown by critics and actors

B. Attitude toward Henry V*s treatment of Fal staff

C. Opinions on the relations between Henry V and his father

D. Ideas regarding his military campaigns
!• Criticism of Henry V, the lover

F. Discussion of his speeches and soliloquies

G. Consistency of the character of Henry V throughout the trilogy

H. Conclusion

SHAKESPEARE'S HENRY V: A CRITICAL STUDY OF A
DRAMATIC CHARACTER

Henry V is an historical character about whom there are many
traditions and much controversy. King of England from March 21, 1413,
at the age of twenty-five, until his death August 13, 1422, he was much
beloved by his subjects. Eem~y V is perhaps better known in literature
than in history for he has been made famous by Shakespeare's splendid
trilogy of "Henry IV" parts I and II and "Henry V". To the Elizabeth-
an audience for which Shakespeare wrote these plays the actions of
Henry as prince and king were very popular. They enjoyed his scenes
with Falstaff and his fellows at Eastcheap, containing horseplay and
low pleasures; but they were also inspired by his bravery at Shrewsbury
as a prince, and later at Agincourt when he was king, also by the spirit
of patriotism which breathed through his speeches and actions. His
addresses to his men before Harfleur and Agincourt are splendid examples
of his courage, confidence in his men, and his piety.

By Shakespeare's day so much tradition had grown up about
Henry V that it is difficult to know just which is fact and which fic-
tion. As far as Shakespeare was concerned this difference between
historical evidence and tradition probably counted for little. He used
Holinshed and "Famous Victories" without any special historical discrim-
ination, I shall endeavor to portray Henry V according to evidence
accepted by a modern historian; then analyze his character as portrayed
by Shakespeare in the trilogy; after which I shall present a discussion
of the Shakespearian Henry by various critics and actors,

Robert Balmain Mowat introduces his reader to Henry V thus,-
"Henry V in his day was held to be the pattern of a chivalrous knight;

round his name has centered the romance of medieval England; in his
person Shakespeare found already expressed the glory of the Elizabethan
Age; the symbol of our national aspirations. The character of Henry V
has many of the faults, but all the virtues of his time; and the memory
of virtues is constant; his kindness and good-f ellowship; his bravery,
and sense of justice; his unremitting industry; his piety." ^ According
to the above quotation we shall expect to find him human because he
possessed faults as well as virtues; and as Shakespeare put into the
mouth of Mark Antony in the play "Julius Caesar" (act 3 scene 2)
"The evil men do lives after them;
The good is oft interred with their bones;
Hence, we shall expect to find both evil and good in the character of
Henry V.

1. Mowat, "Henry V" - page 2

I. Modern Historical Appraisal of Henry V

From actual known facts, - records of the Privy Council, state
documents and papers, and his own letters to the Council we may glean the
following ideas as to the life and character of Henry V,

Henry of Monmouth was the first of four sons born to an upright,
noble, and courteous father. All the sons had talents of the highest
degree and careers which were short but full of glory. The birth of
Henry V was not important enough in the public estimation at the time to
be recorded. However, it is generally accepted that Henry V was twelve
years of age when his father ascended the throne of England, That would
mean that young Henry was born about 1387,

Mary de Bohun, Henry Vs mother, died in 1394 which interrupted
his home life. From then on King Richard II and Henry Beaufort, after-
wards Bishop of Winchester - " a sagacious and magnificent ecclesiastic""''-
undertook the care and guidance of Henry V,

The banishment of his father made no difference in the position
and prospects of Henry V. Richard II took much interest in Henry, even
after the latter1 s father was banished, Richard saw to it that Henry V
received the education of a young nobleman. The king felt that Henry was
the heir to great responsibilities and he watched him grow up as an English
gentleman spending his time in religious exercises, field sports, and
studies, "Rhymed Verses" says that Henry exercised in falconry, fishing,
riding and walking, and gave himself to the learned counsels of his elders.
A tradition exists that he lived in Queen's College, Oxford about 1398,
occupying rooms in a gable which has since been destroyed. There is no
record of it in the college archives, yet it is not unlikely that he did

1, "Hen Mowat, "Henry V" - page 6

2. Mowat, "Henry V1'- page 6

reside there, for a time at least, as Henry Beaufort was Chancellor of the
University at that time. At any rate, Henry V always showed a great int-
erest in Oxford,

In May 1399, Richard made his second expedition to Ireland. He
liked to win the Irish by showing the attractions of English life to them,
so he took Henry V with him, who is described at that time as, - " a fair
young handsome bachelor, whose delicate features, large nose, high cheek
bones, combined with his natural vivacity to make him an ornament to any
court."1

"When Richard II knighted Henry V, which was during this expedi-
tion in Ireland, he said, - " My fair cousin, henceforth be gallant and
bold, for unless you conquer, you will have little name for valor."

Meanwhile, Henry Vfs fabher returned from his banishment and by
a revolution was placed upon the throne of England. His son knew nothing
of his father's actions which were kept very quiet. Hence, Henry IV1 s
return with its results was as much of a surprise to Henry V as to Richard
II. When Richard questioned young Henry on that subject, he frankly ad-
mitted that he knew nothing about his father's plans.

Henry Vs education was almost finished when his father ascended
the throne. The young boy was soon entered upon a career of administration
and war from which he had no escape until his death. On November 8, 1399
Henry V was made Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester,

The next year Owen Glendower in Wales rebelled against King Henry
IV and the young prince was sent down there to help put down the rebellion.
It proved a school of war to him. At the age of thirteen he learned from
experienced noblemen, and rapidly matured, finally taking the conduct of
the war upon himself.

1. Mowat, "Henry V" - page 9

2. Mowat, "Henry V" - page 9

In 1403 the very nobles who had helped Henry IV to gain the
throne of England became dissatisfied and turned against him. The Percies,
who were located near the Scottish border and trying to keep it in subject-
ion, refused to send their prisoners, especially the Earl of Douglas, to
London when the King so commanded. Instead, the Earls of Northumberland,
and Worcester, with Hotspur, son of the latter, sent a defiance to Henry IV
and marched to Shrewsbury. This famous battle, fought July 21, 1403, was
not only important to Henry IV, but in that it showed his son leading a
division of the army as a commander. The prince was wounded in the face by
an arrow during the fight, but courageously refused to leave the field.
It was a great victory for Henry IV and a great honor for his son. How-
ever, the rebellion was not completely put down even then. The prince
remained in the field and gradually wore down the opposition, but success
came only through years of patient effort. Henry V grew up into a keen,
active soldier. At the age of nineteen he was still carrying out the war
in Wales with vigor and tenacity. In 1408 he employed all the knowledge
of siege which was then known and later applied it to his wars in France.

Henry V at the age of twenty-one was a tried soldier, a success-
ful commander due to the Welsh war. Everyone liked this handsome young
soldier, with his energetic bearing, love of sport, and aptitude for work.''"
When the war was over, there was no outlet for his surplus energy and we
soon find him making trouble at the capital.

It is to this stage in his life that the stories, which arose
at a later date, refer. Two of these stories which persist even to the
present day are that the prince led a wild and dissolute life at the
capital, and that his father resented the active part his son played in
the administration.

1. Mowat, "Henry V" - page 35

There are a number of authorities for the career of Henry V

as prince. Oftthe Tudor historians the most important are Stow (1580),

Holinshed (1578), Hall, and Fabyan. Another very important source is

"The First English Life of Henry the Fifth" (1513), written partly by

Livius and partly by the fourth Earl of Ormode, The original sources,
especially of Henry's personal history, are "Elmham" and Livius*

Stow (1580) tells of Henry's playing highwayman in the following
words;- "Lived somewhat insolently, inasmuch that while his father lived,
being accompanied with some of his lords and gentlemen, he would wait in
disguised array for his own receivers and distress them of their money," ^
"The First English Life" (1513) transcribes Stow's account, while "Chronicle
of London" tells of a riot in Eastcheap !1410) between the men of London
and the king's sons Thomas and John, However, Henry's name is not
mentioned although he might have been there.

The story of prince Henry's striking the Judge of Gascoigne is
another which has come down to the present day, Thomas Elyot in "Boke
named the Gouvernour" (1531) gives an account of such an action. Later
Robert Redmayne in his life of Henry V (1540) repeated the same incident.

Specific statements from contemporary writers prove that Henry
V's conduct as prince was not above reproach, "Elmham" says, - "He
fervently followed the service of Venus as well as Mars, as a young man
might be burned with her torches, and other insolences accompanied the

M 3

years of his untamed youth,

1- Edited from the Bodleian MS by 0. L. Kingsford

2- Monat, "Henry V" - page 72 Stow, "Annals" - page 342

3- Mowat. "Henry V"- page 81

But he further admits that most of the time the prince spent in
"honourable deeds of military service. " 1 Livius writes,- "He exercised
meanly the feats of Venus and iuars and other pastimes of youth so long
as the king his father lived." However, these charges are purely general.
There is no specific instanoe known.

It is certain there was disagreement between the prince and his
father. The cause of their misunderstanding was that the foreign policy
of the prince differed from that of his father. The Burgandian expedition
sent by the prince without his father's consent caused young Henry to be
discharged from the Council which was a public disgrace. However, Henry v*
went humbly to his father and in a conversation, which Shakespeare after-
wards made into a famous scene, becarre reconciled.

■ctual contemporary references prove his interest in the affairs
and proceedings of the Privy Council and elsewhere • •*- youth who was con-
stantly at the Council table, a keen debater, a close student of affairs,
who had a policy of his own, is inconsistent with a roysterer, a man of low
companions, whose chief delight was in boisterous jokes. Assuredly Henry
V could not have been both types of person. It is impossible to go beyond
the records of the Privy Council which show that prince Hal was keenly
interested in the matters of government, and that he took an active part
in public business. This much is certain, says Lowat. Besides it is not
unlikely that a young soldier home from the war would sow some wild oats.
So the prince's youth must have been an active period spent mostly in
camp and at the council table, but at the same time his conduct was not

wholly good. However, his character as he lived and died was that of a

just and virtuous man.

1. fflowat, "Henry V." - page 81 3. Mowat, "Henry V" - page 38

2. Kowat, "Henry V". - page 81 4. Kowat, "Henry V" - page 39

•

From authentic chronicles of the period we find the Beauforts,
w>o saw that this "brilliant and popular young prince had a firm policy of
his own, linked with the Lancaster family.

3eoause of his father's failing health, the Prince of ffales had
to take more and more of the responsibility of the government upon himself.
He was severely criticised and lost his place in the Council for sending
troops to France to help the Burgundians. (see above page 7) Henry IV
reproved his son ana for a while assumed the government himself, but not
for long, as he had a fatal attack inarch 20, 1413. Prince Henry was present
to receive his father's final blessing.

-s king, Henry V was the most impressive person in iSngland, the
administrator, statesman, and soldier.^" The accounts of his actions after
his ascension to the throne in the chronicles and state papers back up
these statements, but before that time' there is much legend, tradition,
and rumor.

On March 21, 1413 when Henry V came to the throne of England he
was twenty-five yeara old. He is described as tall, slender, strong-boned,
and nervous. His head from his brow down was long and beautifully moulded,
with a high smooth brow( revealing a strong and wholesome mind). His hair
was dark brown, thick and uncurled; his nose straight, well suiting his long
face; his complexion ruddy; eyes clear and bright, mild in repose, lion-like
in anger; firm even teeth, and a white skin. His general aspect was amiable
and dignified. He possessed every quality which made for popularity. Not
only was he s great soldier but he also excelled in leaping and running as
an athlete; he was a good huntsman. When on a campaign he showed the great-
est endurance; he had an indomitable will and was never known to flinch at

1. iiowat, "Henry V" - page 60

a wound ( note the battle of Shrewsbury above) or turn his eye6 from the
smoke and dust of battle.

~s king his personal habits were of the best. He was moderate
in both eating and drinking. He was gentle and accessible to his subjects,
a practical judge; he was staid in both mind and countenance. Fenry V be-
came one of the best and most lovable characters in English history.*

It is notable that in the session of the first parliament of
Henry V there bagan a harmony which made him the first monarch to be un-
troubled by dissensions in the national councils."

The first crisis of Kenry V's reign was with the Lollards, who
believed that all prelates should be adequately provided for, but none
should have large incomes or possessions. The chief Lollard at the time was
air John Cldcastle, who had fought under Henry IV and had been attached in
some way or other to the household of the prince. Henry V admired and liked
him, yet Oldcastle's heresy caused Henry some doubts. After much controversy
and many threats to the king, Oldcastle Was captured, brought to London for
trial, and judged to be executed and his body burned. Henry V was a loyal
son of the church and never synpathized with Lollardy. At the same time he

showed no great enthusiasm for persecution " except when they were

mixed up with political rebellion," and at no time was he a blind supporter
of the church. However, Oldcastle did not confine his actions to the
church, but mixed with political affairs which made him come in conflict
with Henry V. Hence, the persecution of all Lollards, Cldcastle in particular.

1. Mowat, "Henry V" - page 88

2. Mowat, "Henry V" - pap-e 90

3. I-owat, "Henry V" - page 47

•

King Henry V had definite aims and he kept them constantly be-
fore him. It was not merely a desire for glory which led him to France,
nor was it the influence of the English prelates ( as Shakespeare would
have us believe, turning his interest tc a foreign conquest to divert him
from disendowing the church). Everything in Henry's life shows that he be-
lieved sincerely in the justice of his cause. His determination to win
"his rights" and his "just inheritance" are not merely figures of speech
but are mentioned freely in his diplomatic correspondence.

Henry IV had fought against the infidel when a young man and as
king wanted to lead a crusade, but was prevented by conditions at home, for
the facts are that he was far from safe on the throne. His son, Henry V,
who was warlike and chivalrous, pious, and a reader of history, admired
Godfrey of Bouillon and wanted to carry out his father's plans by making a
crusade of the combined French and English forces. Fence, Henry V not only
claimed France in his right but in order to carry out the plans for a crusade.
A.t any rate, whatever his motives, there is no doubt that he fervently be-
lieved in the justice of his cause, and the soundness of his claim to the
French crown.1 His belief in this right grew stronger all his life.
Proof of that is found in his career; "sometities he seems to have looked
upon himself as a national English king, a knight, a warrior;" sometimes

"as a chosen vessel of God for uniting England and France, for healing the

sor.ism in the church, for conquering the infidel." His success in France
seeded to prove the justice of his cause.

Henry V did not go to France until after due deliberation, and
after he had asked the advice of his nobles and prelates. They recommended
the sending of ambassadors to France to negotiate with the French, and in the

1. tiowat, "Henry V" - page 105

2. kowat, "Henry V" - page 106

•

meantime, they made preparations for invading France. The results of the
negotiations were not satisfactory so the French sent the envoys to England
who were graciously received by the king. Their conduct however can not

be spoken of so highly. These French envoys spoke defiantly to Henry V
and said that "with the help of God and the Virgin, Henry v.ould be driven
out of France, or be captured, or die there." The king calmly listened to
this defiance, dismissed the envoys with a safe conduct and handsome presents
then began to mobilize his forces. Henry V personally supervised the detail
and -planned everything with great care.

Just s all was in readiness and the English were about to set sail
2

"the popular young king" was faced with a conspiracy against his life,
which he quickly crushed.

Henry V and his army landed in France near Harfleur. Good disci-
pline was maintained in the English army and common humanity wa3 shown. On
landing Henry V made a proclamation that no churches should be plundered, no
priests, children, or women ill-treated.

The English laid siege to the town of Harfleur and finally suc-
ceeded in capturing it. The king himself was an energetic and able officer
during the siege. He laid aside all signs of royalty and inspected the lines
in person. The losses of the English, the illness of the men made the push-
ing further into France a question. Henry V called a council of his barons
who advised returning to England. This troubled the king and he bravely
made answer, - " I have a great desire to see my lands and places that
should be mine by right. T.et them assemble their greatest armies, there is
hope in God that will hurt neither my army nor me. I will not suffer them,
puffed up with pride, to rejoice in misdeeds, nor unjestly, against God, to
possess my goods. They would say that through fear I had fled away, acknow-

1. kowat, "Henry V" page 116

2. Mnvat, "Henry V" - p£ge 124

•

ledging the injustice of my cause. 3ut I have a mind, my brave men, to
encounter all dangers, rather than let them "brand your king with words of

ill-will. -Vith the favour of God we will go unhurt and inviolate, and,

' 1
if they attempt to stay us, victorious and triumphant in all glory."

The English did not return to England, hut pushed on into France which shows

not only the determination of the king, hut also of the men who followed

ungrudgingly against their judgment.

The march from Karfleur was rem rkably well conducted and testi-
fies to the powers of leadership of Henry V. On the way to Calais the king
gave an order to his archers which was also used successfully the next week
at Agincourt. "The king made an order throughout the whole army, that each
archer should prepare and fashion himself one stake or stave, square or round,
six feet in length, and of proportionate breadth, sharpened at each end,
commanding that when the army of the French should approach, to give battle
and to break the stations of the archers b;j means of their squadrons of
horse, each man should fix his stake in front before him, and others should
fix their stakes immediately between the rest but a little further back,-
one end to be fixed in the ground, the other to slope upv/ards towards the
enemy, at the height of a little more than the middle of a man ; so that
when the charging cavalry come near, they would be terrified by the sight
of the stakes, and withdraw, or else, reckless of their own safety, both
horse and man should imperil themselves upon the stakes."

It was soon after this that an English knight, Sir ".Valter
Hungerford, wished the king had ten thousand men, who were in England,
added to the English forces in France. Henry V bravely made answer, - "You
speak foolishly, for by the Heaven of God, on whose grace I rely, and in
whom is my firm hope of victory, I would not, even if I could, have one

1. ^owat, "Henry V" - pages 135 & 136

2. Merot, "Henry V" - pages 143 & 144

man more than I have. Do you not believe that the Almighty can with His
small humble army overcome the pride opposed to us by the French, who glo-
rify themselves with their numbers and their own strength?" 1

The night before the battle of Aginccurt the rtoglish army moved
in absolute silence out of the trap set by the French, and at daybreak
they found the English in battle array opposite them. Before the battle
Henry V held prayers and celebrated the mass. The English "king courageously
led his men on foot and distinguished himself in the fight. The Duke of
Mencon attacked the king and struck off a piece of his crown, but Henry V
escaped uninjured. The stakes of the archers proved very successful in
repelling the French. After the battle Henry thanked God on the battlefield
and also thanked his army for their services. Upon reaching Calais the
English army embarked for home. The French prisoners with them were sea-
sick and marveled at the composure of King Henry V who seemed unaffected
2

by the waves ••:

There w;, s a great reception to Henry V .when he reached London,
but he rode through the streets " with a countenance almost unmoved."
By his quiet and sober expression he showed the people that he gave the
glory of his success not to himself but to God alone. He was even unwilling
to show his helmet and crown battered in the fight at Agincourt.

A devout Catholic, Henry V was anxious for the unity of the
church and soon after his return from France came into personal r elat ions
with Emperor Sipismund, through whose efforts the schism in the church was
finally ended. Sigismund was alirost as great a man as Henry V and the two
had, in their lofty ambitions and wide ide-;s, much in common, but the former

1. T~owat, "Henry V" - page 149

2. ^owat, "Eenrv V" - page 161

3. i>uOwat, "Henry V" - page 163

lacked the practical genius and self-restraint of the latter. -vhile
Sigismund was in England in the interests of the church, the French
attacked Harfleur and tried to regain what they had lost from the English.
The Duke of Bedford was sent to reclaim the English possessions and Henry

V prayed for the success of his men, Bedford was successful especially
in relieving Harfleur,

Later Sigismund and Henry V went to France and tried to secure
a peace between the French and the English in the interests of the church.
However it could not have been very successful, fur Henry V, shortly after
his return to England prepared for a second expedition to France, and as
before he personally supervised the preparations. The first expedition was

dazzling and glorious, but without result. Henry V Hj.d shown himself as a

brilliant fighter and a great leader of men. But in this second expedition
he displayed profound strategy; he was a really constructive general. Henry

V personally conducted the sieges with the greatest prudence and care.
Several tires Henry V and the Dauphin of Francs met to make pe;.ce, but with-
out success. Finally the treaty of Troyes established peace between France

and England which made Henry V ''King of England and Heir of France " and
gave him the beautiful Katherine of Fr. nee for his bride. Before Henry
could return to England he had to subdue the rest of France which he did
without delay, after placing his wife and the French royal family in safety.

-'hen Henry V with his aieen returned to England the reception they
received was equal to that of his return after Agincourt. After the coro-
nation of Katherine as -*ueen of England, the royal pair made a '♦progress'1
through the land as was the custom of medieval monarchs. It was at this
time Henry V received word that he was sorely needed in France, so he started

1. Mowat, "Henry V" - page 194
3. Vewat, "Henry V" - page 235

out on what proved to be his last expedition to F ranee. During this stay
due to the tedious strain of sieges Henry's health "began to fail him. He
was overjoyed when he received news of an heir and seemed to work harder
than ever for a time.

Later the Queen and her son joined Henry V in Frao.ce so there were
two courts - the English court and the French court, of which the former
was the larger and the more "brilliant. Henry went out on expeditions,
against the uprisings led by the Dauphin, until he was stricken at Corbeil
with his final illness. .»rith his characteristic courage and determination
he tried to ride back to Paris but the terrible pain forced him to submit
to a horse-litter. Fcr three weeks he suffered before he passed away on
August 31, 1422. During those last weeks he showed, as always, the great-
ness of his spirit; he calmly made plans and arrangements for the carrying
on of his work.

Henry's last words to his brother, uncle, and seven or eight
counsellors have bean preserved to us by "Elmham", Henry says the time
has come for him to die if in the time of my reign, I have ruled other-

wise than I ought, or if I have done any injustice to anyone - as I believe
I have not - I humbly ask pardon. For the good services, rendered tc me
especially in the wars, I give thanks to you, and to your fellow-soldiers.

It was not ambitious lust for dominion, nor for empty glory, nor

for worldly honour, nor any other cause, that drew me to these wars, but
only that by suing for my just title, I might at once gain peace and my own
own rights. And before the wars were begun, I was fully instructed by men
of the holiest life and wisest council, that I ought and could with this
intention begin the wars, prosecute them, and justly finish them, without
danger to my soul."1 His last words as he departed this life were, -

1. ^owat, "Henry V" - page 281

•

"Into the hands, Lord, thou lust redeemed this life."

The King's body, after embalming, was placed in a wooden coffin
and started on its way to Calais from whence it was sent to Lngland. After
paying their last respects to his body, and after due religious observances
the English buried Henry V November 7, 1422 amid the tombs of his ancestors.

The personal qualities of Henry V were such as to endear him to
all his subjects and make him a popular character in history. Eis most
notable quality, justice, was given by contemporary chroniclers of both France
and England. No better tribute could be paid to him than that of the French
historian, - who had no love for the English, - Juvenal des Ursins, who writes,
"The said King in his time, at least since he came to France, had been of a
high and great courage, valiant in srms, prudent, sage, and a great Justicier,
who without exception of persons, did as good justice to little as to Treat
persons, according to tie need of the case. He was feared and reverenced by
all his relatives, subjects, and neighbors." After sifting all the evidence
the modern Frenchman says Henry V was "severe and hard, but one who kept his
word." His justice was not influenced by either sentiment or social
feeling.

Henry's industry was shown in the administration of the government
in England and the organizat ion of his campaigns abroad. He had to rely
almost wholly upon himself, for he had few noble Englishmen to help him,
while other kings had had many wise and noble counsellors. He administered
law and justice, he planned wars and led his armies.

Singled with his dashing spirit was a coolness and prudence which

1. Lowat, "Henry V" - page 284

2. Herat, "Henry V" - pages 297 & 296

3. ^owat, "Henry V" - page 298

•

were seldom found in typical medieval knights.

Henry V's piety was a great factor in his life. Through all
his strenuous career he always went to religion for relief. It is said
that he spent the first night as king in conversation and confession with a
holy man at Westminster. He was strongly devotional and possesses a sincere
faith. In dealing with the Lollards Henry V left them practically unmol-
ested after their political power was broken. The king was even reproved
for his tolerance in regard to them.

Henry V had no favorites; he hid his plans even from his ir.ost
intimate friends. He was temperate himself and enforced temperance among
his soldiers.

The most permanent gift which Henry V gave England was a spirit
of patriotism. The Elizabethans looked upon the age of Henry V as the golden
age of England. Hence, so many chronicle plays in Elizabeth's day reflect
the patriotism of Henry V as well as the national feeling which was increas-
ing during her reign.

Henry V's chief qualities were courage, determination, judgment,
and industry. Hi^ life shows the importance of personality in the history
of human affairs. His moral influence survived even when his empire had
gone to ruin under his weakling son.

II. Shakespeare's Sources and Use of Them

It is generally understood and believed that Shakespeare used
sources for most of the plays he wrote. Just how much of his source material
he utilized and just how he used it is still a question. However, scholars
have discovered that Shakespeare did not always keep the order of events
given in his source, neither did he follow the source in all respects. On
the other hand in his chronicle plays, whose main source was Holinshed's
"Chronicles", Shakespeare sometimes followed the source so closely that in
some instances he almost copied word for word, transforming the prose of
Kolinshed into blank verse. At other times Shakespeare gave the material
found in his source a twist this way or that which made a different impress-
ion. In some "olaces where Holinshed mentioned a topic in two or three
sentences, Shakespeare enlarged it into a scene or conversation, while at
other times an event treated at 3ome length by Holinshed was just barely
mentioned by Shakespeare , or even omitted entirely. Cn the whole, Shake-
speare changed the place or order of events, added, rejected, and changed
the history to suit his taste and the needs of the day. In the trilogy of
"Henry IV" parts I and II, and "Henry V" we find Shakespeare using two
principal sources,- Holinshed's "Chronicles" and a play "Famous Victories
of Henry V".

In Holinshed's "Chronicles" there is reference to a misunder-
standing between prince Hal and his father, nevertheless, after a meeting

at .Westminster the young prince was dismissed by the king "with great love

and signes of fatherlie affection." This may be the meeting which Shake-
speare used for "Henry IV" part I act 3 scene 2, during which the king
cbided his son for his wild and dissolute life.

1. Boswell-Stone, "Shake speare"s Holinshed" - p&ge 140

The prince's low companions and his pranks are recorded in Holin-
shed. Then the writer goes on to say,- "Yet his behavior was not offensive
or at least did not tend to injure anyone - he avoided doing wrong, kept
his affections within the tract of vertue. He was beloved by those who
could understand his disposition which was in no degree excessive that he
deserved to be suspected."* According to that it would appear that Holin-
shed believed Henry V's mad-cap ways and actions were not to be taken too
seriously. Holinshed admits that prince Hal's behavior might appear to be
offensive, yet it was not intended to harm anyone. Those who understood
his nature understood this and loved him.

Holinshed treats at some length the banishment of Falstaff and
his old associates by Henry V ifter his coronation. Shakespeare portrays
this in "Henry IV" part II act 5 scene 5. Cn this point Holinshed writes, -
"But the king even at the first appointing with himselfe, to shew that in
his person princlie honours should change publike manners, he determined
to put on him the shape of a new man. For whereas aforetime he had made
himselfe a companion unto misrulie mates of dissolute order and life he now
banished them all from his presence (but not unrewarded, or else unpre-

ferred): inhibiting them upon a great paine, not once to approach, lodge,

or soiourne within ten miles of his court or presence."

According to Holinshed it was during the Parliament at Leicester,
called by Henry V soon after he became king, that a bill was introduced
against the clergy which would deprive them of much land and money. Nat-
urally they wished to divert Henry's mind from such a catastrophe. 3o the
-rchbishop of Canterbury made an oration in which he said that the duchies

1. Boswell-itone, "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 141

2. Bowwell-otone, "Shake sne- re *s Holinshed" - p^ge 164

of Normandy, Aqui tain, the counties of Anjou and iwaine, and the whole
country cf Gascoigne belonged by undoubted right to England, as well as
the whole realm of France. Shakespeare used this as the source for the
speech of the Archbishop of Canterbury in "Henry V" act 1 scene 2. Further,
the archbishop's speech (lines 33-95) is copied almost word for word from
Holinshed, except that Shakespeare puts it in a different form from Hoi lu-
shed 's prose.

The incident of the present of tennis balls from the Dauphin of
Frarce to King Henry V is tcld by Holinshed. It is interesting to note that
Shakespeare spells it Dauphin while Holinshed uses the form Dolphin. A
part of Holinshed' s account follows, -".i/hilest in the Lant season the King
laie at Kill ingsworth, there came to him from Charles Dolphin of France
certeine ambassadors, that brot with them a barrell of Paris balles; which
from their master they presented to him for a token that was taken in verie
ill P'-irt, as sent in scorne, to signifie, that it was more meet for the king
to passe the time with such childish exercise, than to attempt any wcrthie
exploit "wherefore the king wrote to hir:;, that e'er long, he would tosse
him some London balles that perchance should shake the walles of the best
court in France."^" It seems that Henry V calmly received the Dauphin's
scornful gift and as quietly answered it sending the French ambassadors
from the English court with a safe conduct.

In regard to the conspiracy against the life of Henry V, wa ich he
discovered on the eve of his departure for France, neither Holinshed nor
any other chronicler published in Shakespeare's day relate that the conspir-
ators were led to doom themselves by Henry V. ("Henry V" act 2 scene 2)
The speech in which the king upbraids them is wholly Shakespeare's except

1. Soswell-Stone, "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 173

where Scroop's dissimilation and ingratitude is denounced. Holinshed

tells hov; much ^enry V trusted Lord ocroop.

The speech of the King in "Henry V" act 2 scene 2 (lines 167-181)

is an example of how closely Shakespeare follcw9d his source at times.

(Note the underlined words in both.)

Holinshed* Shakespeare

"Having thus conspired the "You have conspired against

death and construction of me, which our royal person,"...

am the head of the realm and "Toughing our person, seek we no

governor of the people, it maie he that no revenge;

you likewise have sworne the confusion But we our kingdom's safety must

of all that are hero with me, and also so tender,

the desolation of your own country.. ,/hose ruin you have sought, that to

...... .Revenge herein touching mi her laws

person, though I seeke not, I yet we do deliver you. Get you,

fcr the safe-guard of you mi deere therefore, hence,

freends, and for due preservation Poor miserable wretches, to your

of all sorts, I am by office to death;

cause example to be shewed. Get ye The taste whereof, God of his

hence therefore,, ye pocre ml serable mercy give

wre tones, to the receiving of your You patience to endure, and true

just reward, ./herein God's .naiestie repentance

give you grace ,of his mercie and Of all your dear offenses."
repentance of your heinous offenses."

Shakespeare ignored Holinshed when he had the king tell ixoter

to "use mercy to them all" CHenry V" act 3 scene 3 line 54) after the fall

of Harfleur. Holinshed reports that the king expelled from Karfleur

"parents with their children, yoong maids, and old folke" and filled
tl eir place with English immigrants.

In"Henry V" Shakespeare has the Dauphin of France present at the
Battle of Agincourt in spite of the fact that his father told him to remain
at Rouen. This is unhistorical and contrary to Holinshed. Perhaps Shake-
speare confused the t-auphin with Sir Guichard Eauphin.

1. Boswell-Stone "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - pages 176 & 177

2. Boswell-Stone "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 181

Shakespeare illustrates Henry 's e ven-handed justice when in
"Henry V" act 3 scene 6 the king refuses to pardon Bardolph who has robbed
a church. Holinshed reports that during Henry's march no "outrage or
offense doone by the English except one, which was, that a souldiour took
a pix out of a church, for which he was apprehended, and the king not once
removed until the box was restored, and the offender strangled . "^ Here
Shakespeare uses Bardolph for the thief and thus eliminates one of the

comic characters. .Vhether the king's so-called charitable proclamation

was a result of this or not is a question. At any rate, on August 17 he

"caused proclamation to be made, that no person should be so hardie, on

paine of death, either to take anie thing out of anie church that belonged

to the same; or to hurt or do anie violence either to the priests, women,

or anie such as should be found without weapon or armour, and nor readie

to make resistance."

The over-confidence of the French army before the battle of
Agincourt is stated in Holinshed as follows,- " The French as though they
had been sure of victorie, made great triumph; for the capteins had deter-
mined before how to divide the spoils, and the soldiers the night before

had plaide the Englishmen at dice." This is probably the source for the
last scene in act 3 of "Henry V".

Holinshed tells of the quiet march of the .English to Agincourt
the night before the battle. It seems the French thought they had Henry V
in a trap and while they were celebrating that ' they thought was sure to be
victory on the morrow, the English army quietly and silently at the king's

1. Boswell-Stone "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 184

2. Boswell-Stone "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 184

command, marched out of the trap and were in battle array before the
French discovered what had happened. This may be where Shakespeare got
his idea to have Fluellen tell Gower to speak lower( "Henry V" act 4 scene 6
lines 37 & 38). Shakespeare took these words directly from Holinshed. At
the same time Holinshed tells that the French set fire to the English tents
and began to plunder them. This he gives as the reason for Henry's command
to kill the prisoners. Holinshed tries to excuse the king on the grounds
that he was in a passion and angry, otherwise he would have been more
rr.erciful,

Shakespeare gets the incident of the naming of the battle from
Holinshed who says that Mont joy, the French herald, came to ask permission
for the French to bury their dead when Henry V was still uncertain as to

the outcome. A.fter kontjoy told the king the English had won, Henry asked
the name of the castle "hard by" and named the battle - Agincourt. ("Henry
V" act 4 scene 7 ) .

Shakespeare changed the names and the event a little when he had
the practical joke played on Fluellen by Henry V. ("Henry V" act 4 scene 1).
Holinshed relates this as the encounter of the king with the Duke of Alanson
(Alencon in Shakespeare) by whom he wai; almost felled, yet he slew two
of the Duke's men and felled the Duke himself before he got the glove.

Shakespeare's metrical roll of the French prisoners and of those
slain on either side ("Henry V" act 4 scene 8 lines 72-102) is almost
identical to Holinshed 's list with the exception that the latter is in prose.

Holinshed relates how after retreat was blown Henry gathered his
army together and gave thanks to Almighty God for "so happy a victory".
V.hen he and his army had refreshed themselves they marched back to Calais.
This Shakespeare uses hut omits Henry's second campaign which lasted about
four years and was brought to a close by the Treaty of Troyes in 1420.

•

In "Henry V" after the celebration of the victory the French king confers
with Henry about the terms of peace, then Henry woos Katherine, cmd the
final scene is the acceptance of the English terms and the winning of
Katherine •

After Henry's second campaign is described by Holinshed then
comes the raturn to England, the treaty agreements, and the betrothal
of Henry and Katherine. Hence, it can be seen that Shakespeare omitted
and shortened in his account of these events.

In using Holinshed, Shakespeare did not follow strictly the
order of events, neither did he use all the important facts about Henry V,
but at the same time he followed his source so closely in some places
that he almost copied Holinshed verbatim.

The other source used by Shakespeare for his famous trilogy
which portrays Henry V as prince and king was "Famous Victories of Henry
V". This play was probably written by '.villiem Tarlton before 1566.
Tarlton, a comedian who flourished in the reign of Elizabeth, acted the
part of Derricke, the clown; it may be he created the role. Shakespeare
adapted and altered this play to suit his need. ,.'e find that one play,
'•Famous Victories", originally contained the material which Shakespeare
used in three. In his plays Oldcastle and Derricke disappear and we have
Falstaff( at first Shakespeare used Cldc^stle) and Bardolph, who were both
historic persons.

"Famous Victories" has no act and scene arrangement but is one

continuous performance as it were, with exits and entrances of characters.

1. Sir John Falstaff was an historic personage. Whether Shakespeare pur-
posely took that name for his character of Falstaff or not, is not known.
At any rate, Shakespeare's Falstaff is purely invention on the part of
the author, and not at all like the historical person. ( Brooke, Ten Lore
Flays of Shakespeare, Chapter X)

There were two Bardolphs, Sir William Bardolph who served as Captain of
the Osstle of Calais for several years was an historic person. I do not
know whether Shakespeare used the historical person for his character,
Bardolph, or not. The other was the Sastcheap character. (Mowat, "Henry V"
pages 75-76)

Some of these scenes Shakespeare used in his trilogy.

The opening scene of "Famous Victories" shows prince Hal with
his companions i*ed and Tom just after they have robbed the king's receivers.
The prince swears the receivers to secrecy and promieei to reimburse them.
The counterpart to this is in "Henry IV" part I act 2 scene 2 where Shake-
speare uses travellers in place of the king's receivers and has prince Hal
and Poins rob Falstaff and his friends after they have plundered the travel-
lers.

Shortly after this first scene Derricks and Gobler ( two comic
characters) act out the scene just before where the prince struck the judge.
This may be the source for "Henry IV" part I act 2 scene 4 in which Falstaff
and prince Hal imitate the prince and his father.

The scene in "Famous Victories" between the prince and his father
during which Henry IV chides his son and fears for his kingdom under the
rule of so mad-cap a prince is used by ohakespeare for his famous scene
between Henry IV and Henry V in "Henry IV" part I act 3 scene 2. The father
and son are finally reconciled; the prince is forgiven by his father and
here shows his true nature. Prince Hal reveals the fact that his reveling
is only on the surface; he is really great and honorable.

Another famous scene portrayed in "Famous Victories" and used by
Shakespeare is the one of the sleeping king, when the Prince of Wales took
the crown because he thought his father was dead, ohr.kespeare portrays
this in "Henry IV" pert II act 4 scene 4. '.Then the Lord of Cxford brought
back the crown and incidentally the prince, Henry IV revealed how unstable
he felt about his clairr to the throne. The prince bravely replied that
anyone who tried to take the crown from him must have thicker armor than
his.

Through the speeches of Ton?, 3fed, and Cobler in "Famous
Victories" we learn that prince Hal has "been crowned king and "changed
his countenance",1' also that he has sent to trance demanding the crown.
This is practically the same as Shakespeare portrays in "Henry IV" part II
act 5 scene 2.

Infamous Victories" prince Hal had once made the remark that

when his father died they should "all be kings." As King Henry V, he
sends these once boon companions of his away and forbids them to come
within twn miles of his residence. In "Henry IV" part II act 5 scene 5
Shakespeare portrays this dismissal by Henry V of his former companions.

The Archbishop of Canterbury tells Henry V, in the play
"Famous Victories", that he has a right to the French crown. Shakespeare
enlarges upon this scene and has the first scene in "Henry V" a discussion
between the Bishops of Ely and Canterbury as to the advisability of divert-
ing the king's mind from a certain bill before Parliament which would deprive
the church of much land and money. In order to do this they advise him
that he ha* a rightful claim to France. Hence, in act 1 scene 2 of "Henry
V", Shakespeare has the two Bishops explain the Salique Law and Henry V's
right to the French throne.

The Dauphin's scornful gift of tennis balls to ^-enry V is delivered
by the Bishop of 3ruges in "Famous Victories" and by an Ambassador in "Henry
V" act 1 scene 2. The English king calmly received the gift and bravely and
quietly answers the giver.

"-fter the advice of his counsellors Henry V decides to go to
France and fight for his rights ("Henry V" act 1 scene 2). In "Famous

1. Adams, "Cnief Shakesperian Drama - page 678

2. Adamt, "Chief i; re-Shake sperian Drama - page 674

Victories" he appointed as "Protector" of England the Lord Chief Justice
by whom he had been committed to prison as a prince.

In "Famous Victories" the conversation of the French King and the
Constable of France reveal the fact that French troops are in readiness and
Henry V is besieging Harfleur. The dauphin asked for a command in the
battle and was refused by his father. In "Henry V" act 3 scene 5 Shakespeare
used this material to show that Henry V was carrying out his answer to the
Dauphin.

Harfleur surrendered to the English and the French herald challenged
them to battle. ("Famous Victories") In "Henry V" act 3 scene 1 before Har-
fleur, the English king bravely urged his soldiers to battle in an inspiring
speech; later in same act, scene 3 Harfleur fell. In act 3 scene 6 Llontjoy
the French herald, challenged the English to battle, Here Jhakespeare
enlarged on his source and h.vd scenes intervene between what was all one
scene in "Famous Victories".

When the French messenger came with an offer of ransom for Henry
V he haughtily refused and declared that he would fight. In "Henry V"
act 4 scene 3, ^ontjoy begged the English king to pay his ransom and not
fight, but Henry V refused.

Shakespeare enlarged upon his source of the battle of Agincourt,
for in "Famous Victories" it is short with little action, but in "Henry V"
it is divided into various scenes showing the different parts of the battle-
field, now with the English, then with the French.

Both "Famous Victories" and "Henry V" show the French envoy ask-
ing permission to bury their dead when Henry V is still uncertain as to the
outcome of the battle, 'i'hese plays also give the incident of the way the
battle was named.

The discussion of the treaty between the French and the English,
the derr.ands of Henry V are near the end of "Farrous Victories". Shakespeare
gives therr in "Henry V" act 5 scene 2. The wooing of Katherine, daughter
of the French kin?, follows right along in "Henry V" and is similar to the
source •

Shakespeare ctoanged the ending a little for in "Famous Victories"
the French nobles and the Duke of Burgundy swear allegiance to the English
king, but in "Henry V" the Duke is to take his oath of allegiance on the
wedding day of henry and Katherine which is to be the first Sunday of the
next aonth, "God willing." ( "Famous Victories")

Thus we see th.^t Shakespeare, in using his source, rejected,
added, una changed the material to suit his need.

29 *

III, -i-nalysis of Jhakespeare * s Henry V

Judging from his plays one can be fairly certain that Shake spear e

had .. definite plan in mind ^s to the portrayal of the character of Herny V,

In "iiichard II, written about four years before "Henry V" and one or two

years before "Henry IV" part I,^"may be found these words spoken by Boling-

broke as King Henry IV(Act 5 scene 3)

"Oan no man tell me of my unthrifty son?

*Tis full three months since I did see him last;-

If any plague hang over us, 'tis he.

I would to God, my lords, he might be found:

Inquire at London, 'mongst the taverne there,

For there, they say, he daily doth frequent,

With unrestrained loose companions, -

Even such, they say, as stand in narrow lanes,

And beat our watch, and rob our passengers;

vVhile he, young, wanton, and effeminate boy,

Takes on the point of honor to support

3o dissolute a crew."

Percy :-"i>-y lord, some two days since I saw the prince,
-nd told him of these triumphs held at Oxford."

3oling:-"And what said the gallant?"

Percy: -"His answer was,- he would to the stews,

And from the common1 st creature pluck a glove,

-i.nd wear it as a favor; and with that

He woald unhorse the lustiest challenger."

Boling:-"-iS dissolute as desperate; yet through both
1 see some sparkles of a better hope,
.nhich elder days may happily bring forth."

Bolingbroke ' s speeches, and the actions of the prince as given
by Percy, are a guide to the character of the Prince of Vales. His father
calls him his "inthrifty" son. The fact that he has not seen his son for
three months may be due to two things,- first, his father has been so busy

1. long, "English Literature" - page 150

"Bichard II" 1594-1595
"Henry IV" part II 1597

"Henry IV" part I 1596
"Henry V" 1599

•

fighting for the throne he has not had time to think much about Prince
^al ; second, the prince had been rioting with his wild companions with
little thought of his father. The king also reveals the fact that his son
feels in honor bound to "support so dissolute a crew." Yet the king sees
some hope for the future; he thinks that perhaps age will teach his son
discretion, ohakepseare may have used these speeches to foreshadow the
character of Henry V in the plays to come; at any rate, he gives the same
impression of the prince and portrays the game characteristics here as he
does in "Henry ITM parts I and II:- a prince who spends his time in a life
of companionship with loose and dissolute people, but who at the same time,

shows something which gives hope for better behavior in the future.

"Henry IV* part I, which was written one or two years after

"Richard II", carries out the idea of the character of prince Hal which

were suggested in the earlier play.

In act 1 scene 1 (lines 85-86), Henry IV" says that he sees
"riot and dishonor stain the brow" of his son, while Northumberland is
fortunate to h-_-ve a son live Hotspur who "is the there of honor's tongue".
(It has been contended by some that Shakespeare used Hotspur as a foil for
prince Hal; all that one was the other was not.)

Act 1 scene 2 (lines 51-56), between Falstaff and prince Hal,
portrays the fact that Hal "supported" Fal staff and his crew for Fal staff
admits that Hal has always paid his "reckoning" at the tavern. Then the
prince says,- "Yea, and elsewhere, so far as my coin would stretch; and
where it would not, I have used my credit."

in this same scene (lines 92-103) Falstaff says he will reform,

but just as soon as the prince suggests a purse snatching Falstaff agrees
and so does not keep his resolution long, whereas, the prince was a man of
his word as will be seen later. When Falstaff learns that pilgrims with

rich offerings to Canterbury, and traders "with fat curses" to London,
are within his power to rob, he asks Hal to join him. At first the prince
refuses, hut when urged by Fal staff he consents and says (lines 43-44),-
"V/ell, then, once in my days I'll be a madcap."

At the close of act 1 scene 2 (lines 197-219) prince Hal gives a
soliloquy from which we receive the first hint by himself as to his character
He says that he knows them all and "will awhile uphold the unyok'd humour of
your idleness". In so doing he will imitate the sun(here Chake speare may
have used a play on the words son and sun ) t which lets the cloud hide it,
and then is "wond'red at" when it appears. Hext he makes a very true state-
ment,- " If all the year were playinp holidays,

To sport would seem as tedious as to work."
But scattered holidays are the most enjoyable, he adds. "So, when this
loose behavior I throw off , (this would make one believe all his wi Id life
was just put on), then he will be better than his word; he will "falsify"
man's hopes and when reformed will be so much better that he will attract
more attention than sometMng which has no foil to set it off (his wild
behavior versus his good actions and deeds). Now he will offend so much
he will become skillful at it and reform when people least expect it of him.

According to the above, Henry V wants the audience to believe he
is truly noble and kingly at heart, but his behavior is as a mask to hide
his real character, so when he is ready to reveal himself people will
wonder at him more than they do now.

In set 1 scene 3 (line 230) Hotspur speaks of prince Hal as

"that same sword-snd-buekler Prince of 'ales". This is Hotspur's first
reference to the prince and shows the contempt in which he held prince Hal.

Act 2 scene 2, the robbery at Gadshill, shows the prince indulg-
ing in the sport of robbing Falstaff and his company after they have
robbed the travellers, r.3 the prince had promised Poins at the time Falstaff
persuaded Henry to join him. (see above reference to act 1 scene 3 lines
92-103) .

Act 2 scene 4 portrays the prince at 3oar's Head Tavern, '--astcheap
among Falstaff and his companions. This scene illustrates the fact that Prince
Hal enjoyed a good joke. He has made friends with the drawers and gets
Poins to call one of them - Francis - until he is so distracted he doesn't
know which way to turn. The prince enjoys the discomfiture of poor Francis.

In the same scene Falstaff later says,- " A plague of all
cowards I" (line 115), and calls the prince and Poins cowards for leaving
him. It is some time before he is convinced that he was robbed by them.
However, he claims tc have known them all the time and just to have been
leading them on to see what they would say for themselves. For he says
(lines 266-279),- "I knew ye as well as he that made ye..... was it for me

to kill the heir-apparent? Should I turn upon the true prince?

Instinct is a great matter; I was a coward now on instinct ''. The Question
is, - did he really recognize him or not? Strange, but he claims tc be
so brave and valiant, still his actions portray him as cowardly, and yet
he reiterates,- " a plague of all cowards". Truly, there is a strange
mixture in his nature. Although Falstaff calls the prince a coward it is
not true. This is a way Falstaff has of covering up his own shortcomings
and ha s nothing to do with the character of the prince.

In this same act and scene tie prince and Falstaff act as Henry
IV ana the prince for a little diversion. First, Falstaff takes tie part
of Henry IV and rebukes the prince for his companions but says that Falstaff
is a virtuous man, tells the prince to banish all his low companions but

Falstaff. I.'ext the prince takes the part of his father and Falstaff of
the prince. Prince Hal rebukes Falstaff ( as the prince) for his friendly
relations with such a fellow as Falstaff. ./hen Falstaff tries to defend

himself he tells the prince to banish all but "Old Jack Falstaff

Banish plump Jack, and banish all the world". The prince replies (line 72),
"1 io, I will." It is a question whether Henry had the banishment in mind
at this time or not. Yet it may be a foreshadowing of the rejection and
banishment of Falstaff by Henry V after his coronation} however, did
Falstaff realize this? It seems doubtful to me because of Falstaff 's
greeting to Henry V as king, which was just as cordial as in the days when
they frolicked together.

This same act and scene gives another instance of the support of
the -nrince for Falstaff and his friends. The sheriff and his men come in
search of Falstaff for the robbery of the travellers. The prince( lines
493-517) meets them alone, promises to repay the money lost by the traveller
and sends them off. Then he tells one of Falstaff 's men that the money
shall be paid back with interest, -" the money shall be paid back again
with advantage ". (line 540 )

Act 3' scene 2 is a scene between the prince and his father —

how different from the burlesque just seenl King Henry IV feels that

the actions of his son are a punishment to him for the says, -(lines 9-17)

" thou art only mark*d

To punish my mistreadings . Tell me else,

^ould such inordinate and low desires,

Such poor, such bare, such lewd, such mean attempts,

Such barren pleasures, rude society,

A.s thou art matched withal and grafted to,

Accompany the greatness of thy blood

And hold their level with thy princely heart?"

The king accuses his son of "inordinate and low desires", "barren pleasures,

rude society". Here are some of the things referred to by Bolingbroke as

•

so doing. However, prince Hal begs pardon for what he has done and says
(lines 26-28),- "I may, for some things true, wherein my youth

Hath faulty wand* red and irregular,
Find pardon on my true submission,"
The king continues to tell how all men foresee the downfall of the prince,
he even pictures the realm under such a king( lines 60-75); next his father
tells how he lost his "princely privilege" because of his "'vile partici-
pation". Prince Hal replies ( lines 92-93),-

"I shall hereafter, my thrice gracious lord
Be more myself."

This speech strengthens the thought that prince Hal is just playing a part

as he said in his first soliloquy (act 1 scene 2).

When the king tells his son of his foes, the prince requests his

father to give him a command in the army that he may go conquer Hotspur and

thus redeem himself (lines 129-159). The Prince of Vales says,-

" I do beseech your majesty may salve

The long-grown wounds of my intemperance:
If not, the end of life cancels all bands;
And I will die a hundred thousand deaths ^
ilre break the smallest parcel of this vow."

This is the high spot of the play. Here the prince shows his

father his true nature. Henry IV*s thundering response, -

"A hundred thousand rebels die in this: ^
The: shalt have charge and sovereign trust therein."

proves th-.t he believes in his son and will trust prince Hal to do his best.

1. "Henrv IV" part I act 3 scene 2 lis. 155-159

2. "Henrv IV" part I act 3 scene 2 lis. 160-161

•

Act' 3 scene 3, the very last of the act , enforces the change
in the prince when he says (lines 203-204),-

"The land is burning, ir'ercy stands on high;
And either we or they must lower lie."

The prince in his speech here reveals some of his ability to
plan and to command in military matters. He is very businesslike and gives

his orders like a captain. His thoughts are all upon the fighting to come;

his pranks are forgotten in the seriousness of the matter at hand. Prince

Hal for the first time, except with his father, shows his real nature. At

the same time Falstaff remains unchanged, for although he is to join the
army, his first thought now is "breakfast".

In act 4 scene 1 Hotspur again shows his contempt for the prince

when he speaks of hi;n as "the nimble-footed madcap Prince of V/ales". The

Vernon speaks in praise of prince Hal. Vfter describing the men-at-arms

he says (lines 104-110),-

"I saw young Harry, with his beaver on,
His cuisses on his thighs, gallantly arm'd
Rise frorr the ground like feathered Mercury,
-nd vaulted with such ease into his seat,
As if an angel dropp'd down from the clouds,
To turn and wind a fiery Pegasus
And witch the world with noble horsemanship."

From this it seems the prince was a good horseman. The only references to
the prince in this act are through the mouths of his enemies. Everything
said by them is to his favor and in his praise. Even though Hotspur held
the Prince of <»^les in contempt and was not afraid to show it, the other
members of the opposing party respected prince Hal and saw some good in
him, as can be seen from their praise of Mr;:. The prince himself appears
with Falstaff and his army of scarecrows, but this has no important bear-
ing on his character.

In act 5 scene 1 the prince acknowledges his faults when he says

in his challenge to Hotspur (line 94) "I have a truant been to chivalry."

<Vhen Vernon gives prince Hal*s challenge to Hotspur, he again praises the

prince and says that people have thought wrongly of the prince. ( lines 66-69),

but let me tell the world
If he outlive the envy of his day,
England did never owe so sweet a hope,
So much misconstrued in his wantonness."

Thereupon Hotspur replies he never heard " Of any prince so wild a libertine".

'line 72), which still shows a contemptuous attitude, though he hopes to

meet the rrince in battle.

In act 5 scene 4 the prince is wounded and bleeding, but courage-
ously refuses to leave the field of battle (lines 11-12),-

"i-nd God forbid a shallow scratch should drive
l'he -Prince of ..ales from such a field as this."

In this same scene when the King's life in endangered by Douglas
the prince saves his father and tells Douglas (lines 42-43),-

"It is the -Prince of .«ales that threatens thee;
<«ho never promise th but he means to pay."
•Prince Hal was a man of his word. The result of saving his father's life
was a much better opinion. As Henry IV put it (line 48),-
"Thou hast redeemed thy lost opinion."

This scene also portrays the death of Hotspur at the hands of
prince Hal. The prince shows his nobility and courtesy when he bids
farewell to Hotspur ( lines 86-101),-

•

" Fare thee well, great heart I

Hl-weaved ambition, how much art thou shrunk!
■Vhen that this body did contain a spirit,
k kingdom for it was too small a bound;
But new, two paces of the vilest earth
Is room enough., - This earth that bears the dead
Bears not alive so stout a gentleman.
If thou wert sensible of courtesy,
I should not make so dear a show of zeal:-
But let my favours hide thy mangled face;
^nd, even in thy behalf, I'll thank myself
' For doing these fair rites of tenderness.

Adieu, and take thy praise with thee to heaven!
Thy ignominy sleep with thee in the grave,
But not rememoered in thy epitaph."

In this speech the prince admits Hotspur was ambitious, but says

he was noble and generous. -Prince Hal pays tribute to Hotspur's courtesy

and gentlemanlike qualities, while at the same time he reveals his own

nobility and courtesy by performing the last rites for Hotspur, and by

wishing only praise to be remembered about him. This shows the prince

as a chivalrous knight fulfilling all the requirements of chivalry.

After the battle the prince and his father shsre in the disposal

of the prisoners and the king plans to take his son with him to meet Owen
Glendower and the Earl of Karch who have risen against the king. This
shows the prince has fully regained his f r-fher's favor and shares the
resrionsibilit ies.

Thus we see prince Hal rioting with his lev. companions, support-
in*? them, shielding them frorc the law, and even playing jokes on them and
with them. Hotspur and the prince are contrasted early in the play; even
though the prince may suffer by the comparison we follow him eagerly through
the rest of the play, in fact, the remainder of the trilogy. Prince Hal
early tries to show that he is truly noble end kingly, that he is using
his low life and wilaness as a mask for his real nature. He admits as much
to his father during the scene with him and humbly begs his father's pardon

for his wrong-doing, ^hen the prince learns of his father's enemies, he

•

begs a command in the army that he may redeem himself, and at the battle
of Shrewsbury he courageously refuses to leave the field when woundea, and
saves his father's life* The prince shows his nobility in his farewell
to Hotspur at Shrewsbury. After the battle prince Hal in his father's
good favor again plans with the king to further put down the rebellion.
At the close of the play, then, we leave Henry V as a brave soldier ready
to do battle for his father.

"Henry IV" part II continues the characterization of Henry V
both as prince and king.

In the onening scene Hotspur's f- ther, the Earl of Northumberland
hear? food nev;s from the battle of Jhrewsbury,- except that his son is dead,
the day is his; shortly, however, the messenger from the battle gives a
true report that the king has won. This messenger says that Hotspur was
beat down by the "swift wrath" of Harry of Lionmouth. That seems inconsist-
ent with the death of Hotspur portrayed in "Henry IV" part 1. Prince Hal
did not appear angry when iiotspur challenged him on the field of Shrewsbury.
In fact, the prince called Hotspur a "very valiant rebel"(act 5 scene 4
line 63). Hotspur replied that the time had come for one of them to die
and said he wished prince Hal's name in .rms was as great as his. Was this
stilled a veil contempt, looking down upon the prince as an inferior warrior?
Then they engaged in battle until Hotspur was wounded and fell. I can see
nothing of "swift wrath" here on the part cf Henry V.

Act 2 scene 2 begins with a conversation between Poins and prince
Hal. The prince adrits that he is weary and Poins expresses surprise that
weariness d re attack nobility, //hen Poins chides the prince for not showing
any feelings in rep: rd to his father's illness, the prince replies that he
is very sad about his father's condition and that his heart bleeds inwardly,

♦

but if he were to weep and show outward emotion people would call him a
hypocrite. The letter from Falstaff warns the prince against Poins saying,
"he misuses thy favors" (line 112). However, this hasn't much effect on
the prince, for' he agrees to join Poins in a prank upon Falstaff.

In the same act, scene 4, prince Kal and Poins carry out their
plans - disguise as drawers in Boar's Head Tavern, .^astcheap and serve
Falstaff. It is interesting to note that just as Poins and prince Hal
enter disguised, the ladies question Falstaff about the two. The eaves-
droppers are able to observe in silence for a while until Falstaff calls
for some sack, then he recognizes the prince as he comes forward, and
welcoires him to London. This reminds us of the affair at Gadshill when
Falstaff claimed to have known the prince all the time.

At the close of this scene news reach the prince that his father
is at Westminster and he says to Poins, -

" I feel so much to blame,

So idly to profane the precious time:"
("Henry IV" part II act 2 scene 4 lines 312-313. ilaybe this is a twinge of
conscience for spending time with such companions among such low surround-
ings when he should be with his father and helping him.

It is not until the fourth act that we hear about the prince

again . In scene 4 Henry IV with his other sons and his nobles discuss the

Prince of .Vales and his actions. Henry IV is worried and begs lis sons to

watch over and halp prince Hal. The King characterizes the prince in his

second long speech, -

"For he is gracious , if he be observ'd:

He hath a tear for pity and a hand

C,en as day for melting charity:

Yet, notwithstanding, being incensed, he's flint;

As humurous as winter, and as sudden

As flaws congealed in the spring and day."

("Henry IV" part 2 act 4 scene 4 lines 30-35)

We can see from this that the king, although worried about the Prince of
Wales, sees good in him, for he says that Henry V is gracious, sympathetic,
and charitable, but if he is angered he is hard and sudden.

She very fact that Henry IV takes pains to call the attention
of his other sons to the good qualities in the Prince of .Vales, and asks
for their support and guidance for him, may help us to see more of the true
character of prince Hal. As a matter of fact, we do find the prince
gracious, sympathetic, charitable, all these and more in the next play
where he is King Henry V.

•Varwiak tries to pacify the king by telling him that prince Hal
is merely studying these companions, that he may know and understand their
type so he can later use this knowledge in governing them. '."/arm ck feels
sure that when the tirre comes the prince will cast off these low followers.

Later in the same scene prince Hal sees the crown upon his
father's pillow and thinki ig him dead runs away with it. This is a famous
scene which raises the question,- why did the prince take the crown?
Perhaps he did think his father dead, iven so why did he not raise the
alarm, send for help, why just bid his father farewell and depart with the
crown? 4t any rate, Shakespeare has the prince talk to the crown about
its meaning, bid his father farewell, and leave with the crown.

The prince in addressing the crown calls it " a troublesome
bedfellow", " golden care", and says it frightens sleep. Now his father
is in his last sleep, he heeds not the care and weight of the responsi-
bilities which the crown imposes upon its wearer. "Majesty", wMch is
also derived from the crown, is li!<e rich armour "worn in heat of day" and
is uncomfortable to the wearer.

These reflections by prince Hal on the burden of the crown reveal

a seriousness which we have seldom seon before. He has already left behind

•

his pranks and low living it needs only the rejection of the companions who
have shared this life. The prince is fast showing his nobility and serious-
mindedness.

Just at the minute of prince Hal's departure the king a^vakes,
misses the crown, and calls to his lords, When Warwick returns with the
prince and the crov/n, Henry V is humble and contrite, begs his father* s
pardon, admits he thought his father dead. Then the king and the Prince of
Wales have a reconciliation, and Henry IV gives prince Hal his final advice aa
blessing. This is the last scene in which we see Henry V as prince; when
we next see him in act 5 scene 2 he is King Henry V,

As king we observe prince Hal as dignified, serious, a little ill-
at-ease perhaps for he tells his brothers, -

"This new and gorgeous garment, majesty,
Sits not so easy on me as you think,"

^Henry IV " part 2 act 5 scene 2 lines 45 and 46)
However he feels that he must redeem himself and we can see a change in
him. He is no longer a madcap prince, but a sober, dignified king. His
very speeches are more noble and on a much higher plane than his former
speech. Again he admits his follies, -

"The tide of blood in me
Hath proudly flow'd in vanity till now,"

^Henry IV" part 2 act 5 scene 2 lines 129 and 130)
King Henry V plans to call Parliament, procure wise counsellors, and reign
as a wise, noble monarch.

Some of the court felt sure that Henry V as king would be un-
changed in conduct. He had revelled so long they feared it had become a
fixed habit which he vrould be unable to break. These people expected a
trotxblesome reign, with many unwise actions on the part of the king.

t c

Imagine their surprise and relief when Henry V changed so completely and
became noble, serious, and wise.

Henry V seemed to sense the fears of this faction for he acknow-
ledged that his conduct as prince was not always what it should have been.
But later in his rejection of Falstaff he proved that the king Yj-ould not be
as the prince had been (see below).

In act 5 scene 5 for a short space we see Henry V and it is then

that he spurns Falstaff and all his former companions. The king says that

he does not know Falstaff and that he is no longer what he was,-

"Presume not that I am the thing I was;
For God doth know, so shall the world perceive,
That I have turned away my former self;
So will I those that kept me company."

("Henry IV" part 2 act 5 scene 5 lines 57-60)
Thus we see in this play prince Hal become King Henry, At first
he is still the prince reveling in Eastcheap with low companions, and playing
jokes on Falstaff, Yet he feels a little ashamed that his life has been spent
in such low pleasures when he really should have been at court, and admits
his faults. His father, although worried about the actions of the Prince of
Wales, still thinks that his unruly son has some virtue, while Warwick tries
to sooth and pacify the king by saying that his son is only studying human
nature for future use. After the prince has taken the crown while his
father slept and he thought him dead, prince Hal humbly returns, begs for-
giveness, and promises to be more like himself, Henry V receives his father's
last advice and blessing in a true princely spirit.

As king we find almost another person, The noble, serious,
dignified king has forsworn his idle ways and companions, and is ready to
begin his rule with the help of Parliament and wise counsellors, Somehow
we feel that Henry V now shows his true nature and his soliloquy in "Henry TV"

•

part 1 act 1 scene 2 has been fulfilled.

In the play of "Henry V" we find a further development of his
Character as king. In the Prologue to the play the Chorus calls Henry V
"warlike Harry" which is almost a foreshadowing of war. However, the first
act and scene show a different side of the king. The Archbishop of Canter-
bury and the Bishop of Ely characterize Henry V as "full of grace and fair
regard," and " a true lover of the holy church." ("Henry V" act 1 scene 1
lines 22-23), They further discuss the change which came over Henry V after
his father died, Canterbury says,-

"... yea, at that very moment,

Consideration like an angel came,

And whipped the offending Adam out of him,

Leaving his body as a paradise

T1 envelop and contain celestial spirits,"

("Henry V" act 1 scene 1 lines 27-31)

According to Canterbury Henry V was so well versed in "divinity"
that the church almost vdshed he were a prelate; his knowledge on state
matters was such that one -would believe it had always been his study; his
ability to fight and plan war-like activities was also great. The marvel to
Canterbury was that Henry V as king should be all this, when as a prince he
led euch a wild, unstable existence.

Act 2 scene 2 shows the sentencing of Scroop, Grey, and Cambridge
who had plotted to take Henry Y's life on the eve of his departure for France.
Henry V very cleverly makes these three men condemn themselves; they are con-
demned to die and executed before the king leaves England.

In the same act scene 4 we get the idea of the French attitude
toward Henry V, The Dayphin contemptuously speaks of the king of England
as " a vain, giddy, shallow, humurous youth," ("Henry V" act 2 scene 4
line 27) . But the Constable of France corrects this impression by telling

of the gracious courtesy of Henry V toward the French embassy while they
were in England. He says the English king is a man of great ceremony; one
who has many noble counsellors; a man constant in resolution, and modest.
Here again as in "Henry W" part 1, Henry V is praised by his enemies, who
realize his true nature and respect him although they are against him. If
they had no respect they would not speak so highly of him.

In act 3 scene 1 King Henry V gives a very inspiring and patriotic
speech to his men before Harfleur. This reveals his knowledge of human
nature, for he knows just how to appeal to each type of soldier in his forces
from the nobles to the yeomen. Then again in scene 3 of this aame act
the king spiritedly talks to the Governor of Harfleur telling him of the
disasters to follow if he does not surrender. Henry V is absolutely fear-
less and a true soldier in his speech at the opening of the scene. After the
tovm has surrendered to the English king he commands that mercy be shown to
all.

In act 3 scene 6 when Montjoy, the Fre'nch herald, asks Henry V to
ransom himself the king frankly tells of the weakened condition of his army,
but boasts of their ability. Then he admits he is bragging and asks God to
forgive him; he says it is the air of France that makes him boastful. This
shows that the French are boasters and that Henry V finds it contagious. At
the same time, Henry bravely defies the French and refuses to ransom himself.

The chorus in the prologue before each of the first four acts
either praises or characterizes the king. Each prologue seems to strike a
different note in regard to him, - first, "war-like"; second, "the mirror
of all Christian kings"; third, the "well -appointed king;" and fourth, the
cheerful leader. In each case our attention is centered on Henry V and we
learn to respect this man who has so completely changed in conduct since

our first meeting him. To be sure these prologues also bridge the gaps
between the events and describe actions which do not take place upon the
Stage; at the same time their references to Henry V help round out the char-
acterization of that English King,

The Prologue to Act II speaks of Henry V as "the mirror of all
Christian kings", ("Henry V" Act II prologue line 6) This is an expression
often quoted today by writers about Henry V, Many of those who favor him,
and are not prejudiced because of his conduct as a youth, cite this phrase
to show what a splendid personage Henry V was.

In the Prologue to Act III Henry V is called "the well-appointed
king," ("Henry V" prologue Act III line 4,) He is described as embarking
for France with a fine, well-equipped army. Because of the personal super-
vision which Henry V gave to the preparations, he may well be called a"well-
appointed king " for he had everything which would make for success.

In the Prologue to Act 4 the Chorus centers attention on the king
by telling how calm and cheerful he is; that he goes about camp greeting
everybody with a "modest smile" (line 33), He apparently does not fear the
army which has almost surrounded him, but sustains so cheerful a mien that
his men receive comfort just from looking at him.

In sceneAof act 4 Henry V borrows the coat of one of his generals
and mingles with his army. Thus disguised he converses on various subjects
and in this way learns their opinion 61* him. His old love of fun reveals
itself when he takes William's glove as a pledge and later gives the same
glove to Fluellen so ha and Williams quarrel to the great delight of the king
who rewards them both with gold. By means of his disguise Henry V could get
near to his men, for he was a king with the common touch.

•

In this scene also Henry V soliloquizes over the conversations
he has just had. He reflects on ceremony and its worth j he talks of the
responsibilities of a king. He muses on the fact that a poor slave sleeps
more soundly than a king. The slave's condition may be poor indeed, but he
is not bowed down with the weight of responsibility. Henry V is interrupted
and told that his nobles seek him. He sends the messenger to call them to
his tent and then prays God for His help and guidance. This is a very
beautiful prayer asking God to steel the hearts of the English army against
fear and help them to fight bravely on the morrow. Henry V begs God to
forgive his father's securing the crown as he did and remember that he (Henry V)
has reburied Richard II with due honors. He promises to do more penance and
implores God's pardon.

In act 4 scene 3 when Mont joy begs Henry V to ransom himself the

king sends back his former answer and then boasts again as to the abilities

rather

of his men. He bravely defies the French and says he would/fight and die
than be ransomed.

At the close of scene 6 act 4 Henry V is contrary to his usual
character. When the French rally, set fire to the English tents, and start
to plunder them, the English king gives the command for his men to kill their
prisoners. This was an unmerciful act and not at all in keeping with the
character of Henry V.

In the next scene of the sane act Henry admits he never was so
angry since he arrived in France until that minute. He bids his men to
tell the French either to fight or get out of his sight. In fact he is so
angry he will not even be merciful. Just at that minute Mont joy comes
begging permission for the French to bury their dead. It was not until then
that Henry V knew the English had Yjon. Immediately he credits the victory

to God, - "Praised be God, and not our strength, for itl" (line 83) o

The next scene portrays the paying of the pledge of the glove by
Y/illiams. The king had given the glove to Fluellen and now enjoys the fun.
(see above page 45)

The piety of Henry V is -well illustrated not only by his thanking
God for the victory in scene 7 of Act 4, but also in the next scene when he
commands his army not to boast of the victory or take the praise from God
"which is his only" (line 112), Henry V also commands that they do "holy
rites" and sing "Non nobis" and "Te Deum".

The prologue to act 5 portrays the reception of the English army
on their return from France. It also speaks of the modesty of Henry V
who would not allow "his bruised helmet and bended sword" (line 18) to be
borne before him through the city.

" he forbids it,

Being free from vainness and self-glorious pride;
Giving full trophy, signal, and ostent
Quite from himself to God." (lines 19-20)

Not only does this show his modesty and piety but also the fact that he was

humble and not proud. This prologue tries to bridge the gap between the

battle of Agincourt and Henry V*s return to France after his triumphant

reception in England after Agincourt.

In scene 2 of act 5 there are the negotiations of peace between
France and England. Henry V is firm in his demands and will not retract
from his first terms.

In this same scene we hind Henry V, the lover. He is plain and
blunt in his speeches to Katherine. In fact, he tells her he is a "plain
king" and does not know how to speak in flowery terms, but he can say -
"i love yo\v". He does not pretend to be anything but a plain soldier
and woos her as such. If hs could only win Katherine by some feat of arms

it would be much easier for him to woo and win a wife. He h^s spent so
much of his life in the camp and on the "battlefield he is not trained to
fine speech. He admits that he is a soldier and speaks as such,- " I
speak tc thee as a plain soldier". He can not "rhyme" himself into a lady's
favor, hut his heart is as steadfast and true as the sun and moon. If
she will only accept him, - "take a soldier, take a king." He emphasizes the
fact that he is a "plain soldier". Henry V regrets that his French is
so poor, and he can not speak like a gallant, but he loves Katherine and
wants her, and he tells her so in plain terms.

In this play our first impression of Henry V is given by the
Chorus when it calls him warlike. However, we soon get a splendid character
sketch of him in the conversation of Ely and Canterbury. Henry V is truly
changed from the wild and madcap prince into a noble, serious, pious, well-
read king, who rules his kingdom wisely and well, and locks to noble counsel-
lors for advise.

The Constable of France speaks highly of Henry's treatment of the
French envoys at the English court and describes their king as gracious and
courteous, constant in resolution, and modest.

All of Henry V's speeches to his army in this play show a deep
knowledge of human nature; they are brave, inspiring, and patriotic speeches,
and reveal the fearlessness of Henry V.

The English king frankly told the French herald the poor condition
of his army, but at the same time Henry V boasted of the irowess of his men.

Before Agincourt we find Henry V calm, cheerful, and courageous,
confident in God and in His English army. Y.'e also get a glimpse of the man
underneath the kingly outside when he moves about his camp in disguise and
converses with his soldiers. His old love for a practical joke cones out
here also.

•

Henry V piously prays to God before Agincourt for His help and
guidance during the battle. After the victory the English king thanks God
for the outcome giving all the honor and praise to Him. .

Henry V in his negotiations of peace firmly holds to his first

demands .

The last picture of Henry V is as the lover, and here we find
hirr unchanged. He is the soldier throughout - blunt, plain-spoken, and
to the point. He knows what he wants and he goes after it deliberately
and sustematically never wavering from his purpose.

Thus Henry V through the trilogy developed from a riotous, madcap

prince who had some redeeming features and virtues, into a noble, wise,
serious king who was first a soldier ami afterwards a king.
i^owat's Conception of 3hake sr>eare j s Menry V

Robert B. ±-owat in his conception of ^hakespesre 1 s Henry V says
that before he became king, knowledge of Henry V*s actions and character
was often obscured and not fully described. At a later date the people who
disliked the meagre details of his youth as compared with the abundance of
knowledge about his later years as king welcomed any hearsay about those
early years, until there grew up about Henry V a body of traditions telling
of a "boisterous, thoughtless, scapegrace youth turned into a virtuous and
prudent man."1 However, these traditions had a basis in real history. The
stories told in the Elizabethan Age need make little difference with his
reputation as king. They probably must always remain contrcversial , yet
it would be well if they could be sifted and verified.

Chief of these later story-tellers, .^hikespeare tried to distin-
guish in his picture of Henry V between what known to be true and what had
to be left unproved.
1. l^owat, "Henry V" - page 60

Shakespeare portrays Henry V in three different ways in the
trilogy. First,- a vigorous, lusty, young man aged sixteen years who was
fomd of practical jokes and horse play; enjoyed the company of low companions,
and was given to extravagant and foul language."^ Poins and prince Hal
watched Falstaff rob the travellers at Jadshill ("Henry IV" prrt 1 act 2
scene 2) then turned around and robbed Fal staff; after which the prince
drew Falstaff on to boast and lie about his exploits. Finally, prince
Hal tells Fslstaff that "these lies are like the father that begets them."
("Henry IV" part 1 act 2 scene 4 line 226). His language is course and
vulgar when he calls Falstaff,- "This sanguine coward, ... .this horse-back

breaker, this huge hill of flesh "('Henry IV" part 1 act 2 scene 4

lines 243-244) Falstaff surely is justified in telling Hal he has the
"most unsavory similes." ("Henry IV" p^rt Pact 2 scene 4)

If prince Hal did nothing wrong in robbing the robbers he can
hardly be excused, for his joke at the expense of poor Francis, the vint-
ner's boy. ("Henry IV" part 1 act 2 scene 4) The prince tells Ned " to
drive away the time until Falstaff come, I prithee, do thou stand in some
by-room, while I question my puny dr. wer to what end he gave me the sugar;
and do thou never leave calling 'Francis' that his tale to me may be
nothing but 'Anon'. This episode, like most practical jokes, reflected
more credit on Francis than on prince Hal. Henry V distinctly lowered
himself in this prank.

The second Henry V portrayed by ohakespeare is a "new man".
The manly, serious prince who first acted up to his great responsibility
at the battle of -Shrewsbury; later as king put aside all his low compan-
ions; answered firmly but without passion the French ambassadors who in-
sulted him with the present of tennis balls from the Dauphin; and set out

1. Mev&t, "Henry V" - page 62

■with an unwavering confidence in God and in the justice cf his own cause
to conquer France* This second Henry is the historic one, the hero king
of England, as described in the history of Titus Livius.

There is a sharp contrast "between the two kinds of Henry V in
Shakespoure 1 s play of "Henry IV",- the merry ill-conducted young man, and
the serious valiant prince. From Shakespeare's view point prince Hanry
was always serious, always responsible, -^s a prince he feigned levity
and wildness to make his gravity and dutifulness as king more appreciated
"I know you all, and will awhile uphold the unyoked humor of your idle-
ness." ("Henry IV" part 1 act 1 scene 2 lines 196-197) -jhakespeare ' s
Henry really did not love idleness and horse-play although out of policy
he agreed "once in my days, I'll be madcap." ("Henry IV" part 1 act 1
scene 2 lines 143-144)

This explanation of contrasts and rationalizing of the old
traditions is scarcely convincing. Shakespeare is inconsistent with
himself when he has Henry V say to the French ambassador s,-

" we have so little valued tlis poor seat of Snglandj

A.nd therefore, living hence, did give ourself

To barbarous license."
("Henry V' act 1 scene 2 lines 269-271) Neither the Henry of Eastcheap-
nor the Henry of Agincourt could have talked slightingly of this "poor
seat of England".

It is clear that the difference of opinion regarding the
traditional prince and the historic prince was something which Shake-
speare felt needed explanation, hence, the two -enrys portrayed. Never-
theless, dramatically these two types of Henry V were needed. The riot-
ous prince was an. excellent foil for the great soldier Hotspur, therefore

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•

Shakespeare plrced the change in Henry "V's character at the "battle of
Shrewsbury when Hotspur was defeated • nd killed. Thus prince Henry
came into his own and showed his true spirit, ./hen at the end of "Henry
IV" part 2 he succeeded to the throne he carried on the administration
of government as his father had, with no executions, no paying off of
old scores. Hence, the second Henry of Shakespeare was the grave,
responsible, heroic king.

The third type of Henry appeared only near the end of the play
of "Henry V". This was the bluff, straightforward soldier, unused to the
niceties of court, wooing the somewhat surprised Katherine. Here Henry
speaks in rough, direct prose. He is all the more striking as a bluff
soldier with his plain language when he is set off against the delicate
Katherine with her mincing French and attempts at English. -cwat feels,
however, that this is not the true Henry but an Elizaoethan version of
his character. Mr. -owat goes on to say that Shakespeare abandons this
type of Henry V at the end of the scene when he meets his father-in-law.
Henry V s^ys,- " I wo^.ld h^ve her learn, my fair cousin, how perfectly I
love her, and that is good English." ("Henry V" act 5 scne 2 lines 212-213)
This was Henry's reply to the rather bantering question of the Duke of
Burgundy,- "Teach you our princess English?" (line 27) This is rrore like
the historic Henry and more in agreement with the description of Henry's
first meeting with Katherine.

Of these three types of Henry V as shown by Shakespeare, -
the statesman, hero king of Agincourt is the one described "by Titus Livius,
the authentic "biographer.

Historically Henry V was a prince who, keenly interested in
the business of government, took an active part in public matters, a
keen debater, and a close student of affairs with a policy of his own.
Possibly he did sow some wild oats during the intervals he was home from
camp. It is only natural that sich a high-spirited young man should
seek adventures in his idle moments. Nevertheless, his youth was prob-
ably an active period which he spent mostly in camp or at the council
table. As king, Henry V was one of the most lovable characters in
-nglish history. He was a great soldier, athlete, and huntsman. He had
definite aims which he kept always before him. This English king possessed
deliberation, determination, and a real faith in his right to tie French
crown. He was a splendid general well-versed in the military science of
his day, brave, patriotic, and an inspiration to his men. Henry V was
profoundly piuus and had a deep faith in God. In my first topic, summar-
ized above, I have tried to give the outstanding historical facts of
Henry V*8 life and character, using Robert 3. Mowat as my source.

Shakespeare in portraying Henry V in the trilogy used two main
sources, - Holinshed's "Chronicles" and "Famous Victories". From both
the bock and the play Shakespeare chose certain facts about Henry V which
he used in any way he desired. He did not always portray this English
king according to history but changed him to suit the needs of the plays.
At other timfes Shakespeare followed Henry's speeches so closely that he
copied some of them almost word for word putting Holinshed's prose into
blank verse. In this topic, which I have briefly summarized above, I
have endeavored to show the use Shakespeare made of Ms sources by giving
the material he chose from them, and illustrating from the trilogy the
different ways he changed his source material to suit his need.

• 54

Shake spear s' s Kenry V wa3 a prince who spent most of his time
associating with low companions, supporting them, and even shielding them
from the law. At the same time, prince Hal tells us in his first solilo-
quy^" that his actions as we see them as merely put on; he is playing a
part. Apparently he does not want us to think he is really such a low
fellow, but takes this opportunity to let us know that no matter what he
does, he is noble and kingly at heart and will reveal his true character
when he sees fit. .Vhenever the prince is with his father, he does show
his real nature, for he is a humble, dutiful son, who adirits his faults
and promises to be more himself. As king, Shakespeare's Henry V is
almost another person. He is a noble, serious, dignified individual who
puts off all his madcap actions along with his old low associates. He
is warlike, yet with a justice and mercy which made him well-loved by his
subjects. King Henry V is gracious, courteous, with a determination and
purpose. He is sincere in his belief of his right to France as well as
in his trust and faith in Crod. He was a king who ruled England wisely
and well and left traditions of a splendid reign. I tried to show in my
third topic what kind of prince and king oh^kespeare portrayed, by ana-
lyzing each act in the trilogy.

Because of the changes Shakespeare made in the character of
Henry V from the historical king many critics and actors have disagreed
as to just what type of person Henry V was. . There are different possi-
ble ways of treating this material. It might be grouped under the three
headings, - man, soldier, king. Yet this difficulty arises, - there are
times he was one, two or all three. (For example, at Agincovrt, he was a
mr.n, soldier, and at the same time a king.) Hence, this plan makes for
1. "Henry r/" part I act 1 scone 2

too much overlapping. Another scheme would bo to gather the various
characteristics of Henry V and group them. This, however, makes for
a choppy, short paragraph arrangement, which is uninteresting and boring
to follow. Although the plan I chose may not be the best, it seemed the
most workable to rre. I chose such headings as, - prejudice of critics
and actors, his treatment of Falstaff, or his speeches and soliloquies, -
such as it appeared to me had caused the most disagreement. Then I tried
to group the criticism and interpretation of these topics, treat the
favorable and adverse, and give so e idea my own opinion on the
subject. I have gathered the main facts of each topic into a short
summary at the end ia order to pick up any loose ends left in my treatment
of the various opinions. I repeat, this is possibly not the best way
to treat this matter, but it is the most workable one I have seen so far.

IV. Dramatic and Theatrical Criticism of "Henry V" Since Shakespeare

Since Shakespeare's day there has arisen much controversy concern-
ing the character of Henry V. In some respects his character as portrayed
by Shakespeare conflicts with what is known of him historically, hence,
various critics and actors have from time to time given their interpretation
of Shakespeare's Henry V. Doubtless Shakespeare did not dream of the stir
he was to cause in later yearsj nevertheless, his portrayal of Henry V as
prince and king has caused many differences of opinion.
A. Prejudice shown by critics and actors

In the course of the criticism and the various interpretations
of Henry V by critics and actors some prejudice has been shown which may be
due either to the age in which the critic lived ot to his personality.

Chief of these critics is Hazlitt, a nineteenth century writer,
whose opinions appear to be somewhat influenced by his Jacobinism. In his
comments on"Henry IV1' parts I and II he says that the characters of Hotspur

and prince Hal are "most beautiful, and dramatic"-*- ; that they are both the

"essence of chivalry". Next he goes on to speak of the "gallantry, gener-
osity, good temper, and idle freaks of the mad-cap Prince of Wales".

Hazlitt thinks that Henry V was a favorite monarch not only with
Shakespeare but also with the entire English nation. Yet, in his comments
on "Henry V", he feels that Shakespeare tried to apologize for Henry's actions
by showing him as the "king of good fellows", *but he scarcely desexrves the
honor for he was fond of war and low company; "we know little else of him." ^

1. Hazlitt, "Characters of Shakespeare's ^lays" - page 130

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.

4. Ibid. - page 131

5. Ibid. - page 132

(

•

I c-

• c

Henry V was careless, dissolute and ambitious, idle or doing mischief.
Furthermore, his principles did not change with his situation and professions,
according to Hazlitt, This seems to me almost the opposite from that which
he has just said about the generosity, gallantry, and good temper of the prince.
Perhaps he could be generous and good tempered, but I doubt if such a person
could possibly be the "essence of chivalry" as Hazlitt has already called
Henry V, As for his principles not changing with his situation and profession
that is hard for us to believe, for it is a well-known fact that he deserted
his low companions - Falstaff included - after he was crowned king. The
authority for the statement of his rejection of these men comes from Holinshed-»
the main source used by Shakespeare for his history plays, (see page 18 above)
If his principles had remained the same would he not have remained in this
low company and been as madcap a king as he had been prince? Could he have
ruled well and left the tradition of a good reign if his principles had
remained unchanged? Would he have been such a favorite even of Shakespeare's
day if he had continued in his idle and madcap ways after his coronation?
This too is doubtful. It is difficult to believe that Henry V's principles
did not change because of all evidence to the contrary. It seems to me that
such a statement is incorrect,

Hazlitt continues his comments on ""Henry Vs* by saying that he did
not know how to reign in his own nation so he made war on his neighbors. Be-
sides, the title to his crown was doubtful so he claimed that of France, To
be sure, Henry V was a hero, a king of England, and the conqueror of the king
of France" - yet we feel little love or admiration for him, A hero - yes,
ready to sacrifice his own life for the pleasure of destroying other lives,
A king of England - yes, but not a constitutional one, 7/e like him in the
play for he is a very amiable monster, a very splendid pageant, V/e take a

•

romantic, heroic, patriotic, and poetical delight in the boasts and feats
of young Harry just as we would enjoy a caged beast and see the glistening
eyes and hear it roar.""'" This passage shows Hazlitt' s Jacobinism quite
strongly.

In regard to Henry V's treatment of Falstaff, Hazlitt writes, -
"The truth is, that we never could forgive the prince's treatment of Fal-
staff; although, perhaps Shakespeare knew what was best according to the

history, Nature of the times, and of the man," ' This will be discussed
more fully in the next topic, but I mention it here to show how strongly
Hazlitt felt in regard to many things about Henry V.

Another nineteenth century writer, Leigh Hunt, believes that
" Henry "V" was not a good acting play in his day. When Shakespeare wrote his
plays, they were for an audience who expected information combined with their
amusement. Henry V was a popular prince with our ancestors, purely because
he went to France, and read the Dauphin's insolence a terrible lesson,"
says Hunt, But in later years, he continues, the English did not look upon
the French as boasters, hence, the play was not so popular, nevertheless,
"Henry V" was well-liked by the Elizabetans and was considered a good play
by them.^

George Pierce Baker, in his book "Development of Shakespeare as a
Dramatist", says that "Henry V" is more interesting to read than to see acted
because more depends on characterization in this play than on acting. As a
play this is a pageant and a character study, rather than a story with
Henry V as the central character, hence, there is no plot construction, merely
a series of episodes. Baker feels that Henry V "declaims" and explains

1. Hazlitt "Char.-ctsrs of Shakespeare's Plays" pages 133-134

2. Ibid - page 131

3. Hunt "Essays and Sketches" page 294

4. Ibid.

himself in some splendid speeches.''"

Thus far the criticism has been unfavorable with some favorable
comments. Now let us turn to Masefield and Yeats, who apparently find Henry
V lacking in many respects.

Masefield writes that there is nothing good in Henry V. Prince
Hal was not a hero, not a thinker, not even a friend. He was a common man
who because he had no feeling could change his habits whenever he chose.
Throughout the first act of "Henry IV" part 1 the prince is careless and
callous, although he is breaking his father's heart and endangering the throne
the prince chooses to live in a society as common as himself j even then his
attitude toward them is remote and cold-blooded, -tyiere is no good-fellowship

in Henry V, no sincerity, no whole-heartedness. The prince is common, selfish,

without feeling. If we agreed with Masefield, we would consider prince Hal
as even lower than his lowest associates, a mean, coarse fellow who possessed
no redeeming qualities* However, I can not feel that Henry V was such a person
as Masefield portrays.

At the same time, W. B. Yeats says there is little to praise in
Henry V. In this day and generation we do not think of the "divine right of
kings", for that reason we are not moved by the arguments of the Archbishop
of Canterbury, hence, we can not see why Henry V should have the throne of
France. Yeats thinks that Shakespeare tried to contrast Henry V and Richard
II by making the former just the reverse of the latter. He gave Henry V
the gross vices and coarse nerves of one who must rule violent people; he is
as remorseless and undistinguished as some natural force. In regard to ptince
Hal's soliloquy in "Henry IV " part I act 1 scene 2, Yeats believes that
prince Hal is using his loose behavior as a deliberate scheme for political

1. Baker, "Development of Shakespeare as a DramEfcist" Chapter IV

2. Quoted by Cunliffe in his paper on Henry V. Cunliffe "Shakespearian Studies

paper on Character of Henry V as Prince and King.

3. Ibid.

ends. There is nothing to justify such a course, he says; the reason is not
sufficient, and it shows a very low aim, a mere selfish ambition. According
to Yeats, Henry V was a selfish person who was al\vays looking out for his own
interests regardless of how they affected other people. His aims were low
and his ambition was not for noble and high things, but he schemed to bring
about his low purposes in such a way as to benefit himself. This character-
ization of Henry V does not seem quite fair to me. We have so much evidence
of the nobility, generosity, and high ideals of the prince that I can not
agree with this critic in his interpretation of Henry V.

Not only critics but also actors have shovjn some differences of

1 .

opinion in their interpretation of Henry V. Richard Mansf ield, the actor,

says thab people in general are prejudiced because kings are in the minority
today and we do not understand Henry V's personality and character for that
reason. Henry V speaks and acts as a king; therefore it is difficult for us
to get his point of view. In fact, time was when all that was needed was a
good pair of lungs in order to take the part of Henry V. There was supposed
to be no sentiment, finesse, variety, or feeling in the portrayal of Henry V.
However, Mansfield continues, he should be youthful, debonair, gracious, yet
with a kingliness, tact, and statecraft in the first act, in order not to
make too big a break between prince Hal in "Henry IV" and the king in "Henry V".
In the same act, Henry V's speech to Scroop should show profound melancholy
and pathos. Henry V's horror and grief at the treachery of Scroop can not
be expressed by "mere noise" as those believed who thought that oratory was the
only thing necessary to interpret Henry V, To be sure he has some eloquent
speeches, but even those should show a little feeling. Mansfield calls the
play itself more of an epic or chronicle than a play. However, he likes to

1. "The Richard Mansfield Acting Version of King Henry V" Introduction

2. Perhaps there are a number of kings in the world today, but so few of
them are actual ruling monarchs that we do not think in terms of kingship.
That may be the reason for our feeling that kings are in the minority.

produce it because of the lessons of Godliness, loyalty, courage, cheerfulness,
and perseverance it teaches, (These sound to me like some of the character-
istics of the hero.) Another reason, given by Mansfield for producing this
play, is that it affords an opportunity to represent the costumes and armor,
manners and customs of an interesting period. It is of interest for us to
note Mansfield's ideas on the character of Henry V as revealed by his actions,
and the way his speeches are given. This actor seemed to realize the prejudice
of people in general; hence, he made his production more of a pageant which
appealed to the eye. In that way he could impress his audience with gorgeous
display and perhaps reveal the lessons which he felt this play teaches. Even
if his audience did not get the lessons in the play, the spectacular appealed
to them and they would enjoy the production. Since reading Mansfield's
acting version of "Henry V", I've wished I could have seen him in that play;
I think it would be an evening well spent.

Two other actors who have produced "Henry V" and tried to interpret
his character are Walter Hampden and Lewis Waller, '-^here are various criticisms
on Hampden's production. John Mason Brown writing for "Theater Arts Monthly",
speaks of the prejudice of the people toward the play because it lacks plot
organization. He says the play is tedious to an audience today although
Hampden's production is "meritorious". However, it does not appeal today
as it did in Shakespeare's day because we do not like its scrappy make-shifts
and informalities j we are not willing to piece out its imperfections with our
thoughts. In regard to Hampden's Henry V, Mr. Brown writes: " he is obviously
not the young meteor of the chronicle play ;his solemn sanctity is at odds
with the acceleration of the action. Although his monarch is far from the
madcap Harry, he is consistently conceived, with a dignity that occasionally
rises to a persuasive insight."''"

1. "Theater Arts Monthly" May 1928 page 314

This criticism of Hampden's production, although not entirely favorable,
gives a modern idea in regard to "Henry V" which shows the change in
aidience since Shakespeare' s day, and the different attitude toward a king,

Joseph W. Krutch writes of Hampden's production a rather harsh
criticism. In speaking of Henry V's soliloquy before Agincourt, he says,
" he utters various and sonorous commonplaces about the emptiness
of rank and the mere humanity of the great, but that is mere talk on
Mr. Shakespeare's part. To him there was a divinity which doth hedge a
king and titled people are not made- of common clay."''" On the surface this
looks like a criticism of Hampden's interpretation of the character, how-
ever, Mr. Krutch admits that it is Shakespeare who wrote the words which
Hampden repeats. Almost sarcastically this critic points out the incon-
gruity of Shakespeare when he says that one Englishman can beat seven
Frenchmen," but he even solemnly asks us to believe that at Agincourt ten
thousand of the enemy were slain and only twenty-five of our ovm men lost.
God, to be sure, is given some credit for this miracle, but God of course
always fights for the English side." As to Hampden's portrayal of
Henry V, Mr. Krutch feels that he is "rather too gravely mature to give
an ideal representation of the fiery young monarch.

1. The Hation" April 4, 1928 pages 388-389)

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.

Modern criticism of productions of this play is illustrated by the
following:- Lev/is "/Taller 1 s production, received varied criticism also.
"The Theater" for November 1912 says that, although not as spectacular
and elaborate as Hampden's production, Mr. Waller* s costumes and scenery
were adequate. Mr. Waller and his associates do full justice to the
stirring periods, humurous flashes, and sentimental passages that mark
the play in which the Master is said to have poured out his heart's

best in the delineation of the Mad Cap Prince who became so excellent
a king." ( The Theater" November 1912, page 130) In regard to Mr,
Waller as Henry V, this criticism continues, "Waller in the title role
is at his heroic best, '^here is splendid dash and romance to his port-
rait, even if it lacks the great essential youth, but his reading is a
delight to the ear, crisp, vivid, and varied." ("The Theater" November
1912 page 130) Here again we find an actor who makes Henry V too old,
and lacks the youthful fire which Shakespeare meant that king to have.
Aside from the lack of youth in Waller's Henry V, the portrayal was fine,
and the production well done according to this criticism*

Now let us turn to a less favorable criticism of ''Jailer's production
which appeared in the "New York Dramatic Mirror" for October 2, 1912.
Here we find the opinion that the early part of the play was most disap-
pointing for it started in too high a key and dropped too suddenly; it
failed to convince • Mr. Waller as Henry V gave-his speeches well, yet
they were set speeches, and the narrative portions dragged until near
the end of the second act. In the scene of the wooing of Katherine,
Mr. Waller alternated reserve with the spirit he had displayed in the
previous scenos and this gave a strength which balanced the coquetry
of Katherine. This criticism as well as the one given above seems to
criticise the play itself more than Mr. Waller's production of it. It
is no fault of the actor's that there are narrative passages and long
speeches; the author wrote it that way, and it seems to me that he should
receive the blame, not those who produce the play in later years.

In contrast to this rather unfavorable criticism, J.S. Metcalfe
in "Life" for October 10, 1912 speaks very highly of Mr. Waller's pro-
duction. He writes,- "The way this four-hundred-year-old play finally
grips and stirs a present day audience is testimony not only to the genius
of Shakespeare, but also to the high quality of its presentation by Mr.
Lewis Waller and his English company." '(Lif e"0ctober 10, 1912 page 1958)
Mr. Metcalfe has high praise for Mr. Waller as Henry V, he says,-
"Mr. Waller is distinctly in his cwn territory in the gallant role of the
fighting English king. He is sufficiently sincere and versatile to carry
conviction through the whole wide range of character and almost conpletely
effaces the fading recollection of the more artificial performances of
Rignold and Mansfield." ("Life" October 10, 1912 page 1958) Mr. Metcalfe
certainly favors Mir. Waller's production of "Henry V". After seeing an
English company produce Shakespeare and contrasting it with an American
production, the thought has come to me that English actors, brought up
among the traditions and in t he environment of England, have almost an
inborn ability for understanding and interpreting Shakespeare. That may
be the reason for the greater success of English actors, in Shakespeare's
plays, over American companies.

On the whole, I think, critics whtub I have cited show some
prejudice, most of which is probably due to the century in which they
lived. Criticism, favorable and unfavorable seems to appear from time to
time, However harsh some of the comments may be, the majority of them
appear to be in favor of Henry V, He still remains the hero king"*"
with a character which as king is practically above reproach. The play
itself is so much of a pageant that it is not so popular today as in the
Elizabethan Age. If it were not for the heroic figure of Henry V, I
doubt very much that this play would be produced now-a-days. It seems
to me that the character of Henry V is the only thing which keeps interest
in this work alive.

B. Attitude toward Henry Vs treatment of Falstaff.

No paper on Henry V would be complete without some mention of
Falstaff for he is the one who is more fa.ailiar to us today than prince
Hal. Henry's rejection of Falstaff along with his other former companions
after he became king has caused some difference of opinion. Hazlitt has
been quoted above ( see page 58 )as feeling very strongly against Henry
V in regard to his dismissal of Falstaff.

On this subject Professor 3radley * writes that Henry V did right
in rejecting Falstaff as he did. In fact, he should have dismissed him
long before he did ; valstaff's character was such as would warrant it.
However, because he did not reject Falstaff before his coronation Henry V
should not have lectured him as he did. This was ungenerous and dishonest
on the part of the king. Professor Bradley is upheld in his opinion by
John W, Cunliffe who believes that Falstaff was merely acting a part aside

1. Bradby" Short Stories in Shakespeare" Chapter on Henry V. I have not
seen this book, but I heard about it from a reliable source. Here
Henry V is said to be not the heroic hero, but the national hero.)

2. Quoted by Cunliffe in his paper on Henry V. Cunlif f e"Shakespearian
Studies" Paper on Character of Henry V as Prince and King.

from his real nature in order to prove how much greater his influence

over Hal was than that of the statesmen of the realm, hence, he justly

deserved the contempt which he received from the young king."'' Another

writer who agrees with both Bradley and Cunliffe is Samuel T. Coleridge

who says, - Kerry V was justified in his treatment of Falstaff because

it was inevitable with a monarch possessing the ideas which Henry V did.

Not only was it right and just, but it was also a political necessity

and a fore-ordained part of his plan. Coleridge feels that Henry V

carried this treatment of Falstaff through with a thoroughness and harsh-

ness entirely in accord with his nature.

The question now arises - did Henry V do right in regard to Falstaff
or not? Hazlitt says Henry V was wrong; Professor Bradley, John V.r. Cun-
liffe, and Samuel T. Coleridge say Henry V was right. The balance of
evidence is in favor of the English king. Perhaps Henry V did what was
right and maybe ho did not. It is a question whether Falstaff was play-
ing a part or whether he was naturally what he appears to be. If he was
merely acting a part he surely deserved the treatment he received. How-
ever, the prince and Fal staff are so closely related in both parts of
"Henry IV" it is difficult to decide just what were the relations between
them. It is a question whether this close relationship actually existed
in history or not, but that is not the issue here. The facts remain that
Henry V did reject Falstaff after he became king and the authority is
none other than Hoi inshed' s "Chronicles."

1. Cunliffe "Shakespeare Studies" Paper on Character of Henry V as

Prince and King

2. Coleridge, "Lectures and Notes on Shakespeare and Other English Poets"

Part II Section 3

C. Opinions on the Relations between Henry V and his Father

The relations between prince Hal and his father have been discussed
by various critics, but most of them agree that when in the presence of
Henry IV the Prince of "Tales shov/ed himself in his true nature, as a
dutiful son, repentant of his faults. At the same time many critics speak
of the prince's wildness as a youth and account for it by his attitude
toward his father.

Stopford Brooke on the relations between the prince and his father
writes that Henry IV until on his death-bed never understood his son;
while the reason for prince Hal's separation from court was that he under-
stood his father's character so well he was out of harmony v^rith it. At
the same time, Henry IV, who did not understand his sons nature, felt
apart from the prince. The king, old before his time, could not compre-
hend his son's actions; while the prince, unwearied and young, was bored
by a court full of ceremony, and alive with intrigue. He felt that he
must get away where he could express himself and spend his surplus energy.
While fighting in (tales prince Hal felt no such need, for he expended
his energy in battle. But upon his return to London after the -jars were
over he required some outlet for that force, therefore he sought companions
and situations which would cater to his need. The king tried to excuse
his son's dissipations on the ground that the prince was studying human
nature for future use. By learning both good and evil prince Hal would
value the good for having measured it with the evil. Brooke continues, -
yet, through all this surface wildness ( as the prince himself tells us
in his first soliloquy), and with all the fire of youth, prince Hal never
one© forgot his noble birth, and imperial duties; he was always master

•

of himself, his companions, and the situation. According to this,
prince Hal was not really so wild as he appeared to be. Under his
surface actions lay a seriousness and dignity which pointed toward a
different conduct later on, lleither he nor his father understood each
other, or perhaps the prince understood his father too well. At any rate,
the Prince of "Yales left the court and associated with companions among
whom he could expend his surplus energy without restraint.

Hudson says of prince Hal and his father that the prince felt his
father was "acting a part at court." Although he had to admit the king
was doing well at it, yet the thought was offensive to Hal and he craved
something fresh and genuine. To satisfy this craving the prince left the
court where he felt cramped and unable to express himself and went where
he could at least be frank and true; at the same time his youthful spirits
could run out in a natural freedom. In regard to his attitude toward his
riotous life, Hudson writes,- " the prince appeared before his father in
a suit of blue satin wrought full of eyelet-holes, and at each eyelet
the needle still hanging by the silkj probably meaning to intimate there-
by, that if his behavior, his moral garb were full of rents, it was not

were

too late to sew them up, and the means/at hand for doing so." ^ Hudson

seems to agree with Brooke that Hal separated himself from court on

account of his father. The prince apparently was so thoroughly familiar

with his father's character and motives, with which perhaps he could not

sympathize, that he kept away from court as much as possible and sought

diversion elsewhere. Nevertheless, the prince realized that his conduct

was not what it should be and tried to show his father he was truly sorry
for his misdeeds.

1. Brooke, "Ten More ^lays of Shakespeare" Chapter IX

2. Hudson, "Shakespeare: his Life, Art, and Characters" Vol. II page 119

3. Ibid. Vol.11 page 67

•

Canning gives still another reason for prince Hal's wild conduct
and low companions. He feels that Henry IV was apparently jealous of
his son's executive abilities. The Prince of Wales sensing this tried
to divert his active mind and restless spirit from the affairs of govern-
ment by associating with companions who were worthless and unworthy."*"
Hence, we have two main reasons for prince Hal's conduct which grown out
of his relationswith his father. The first reason is that the son under-
stood the father too well and left coTirt to seek relief from the restraint
of the court; the second is that prince Hal's executive powers caused his
father to become jealous, so the prince tried to occupy his active mind
with other things than government business.

On the whole, it seems to me, prince Hal was a dutiful son to his
father, frankly a cknowl edging his faults, and promising to lead a better
life. Although father and son may not have fully understood each other
until the last, at the same time Henry IV felt that his unruly son showed
some good qualities, and that age would teach the Prince of Wales discre-
tion and higher ideals. Nevertheless, in his relations with his father
prince Hal revealed his true character regardless of what kind of person
his actions made people believe he was.
D. Ideas regarding his military campaigns

Henry V has been considered as being a soldier from first to last.
As a prince he showed great military talents from the start, fought brave-
ly at Shrewsbury, and conducted himself in a true soldierly manner. As
king he planned and carried out campaigns with a knowledge and forethought
almost unknown in his day. In fact, Hudson writes, Henry V was far in
advance of his age, being one of the most finished gentlemen, as well as

la Canning "Thoughts on Shakespeare's Historical Plays" Chapter VI

the greatest statesman of his time.

J. W. Morris pays tribute to Henry V!s leadership when he says
that Henry was an energetic and ambitious leader who saw clearly his
aims and without hesitation took steps to accomplish them. As a soldier,

Morris continues, he could endure all manner of hardships; as a captain

he could organize his forces in such a way as to insure victory*

Several critics have praisid Henry V as a general. Among them
are Cunliffe, Barnet, and Hudson. These men say Henry V was a general
who walked his lonely rounds at night to see that all was safe; one who
made plans for the disposition of his army in preparation for the battle
on the morrow, and did his best to infuse confidence into his soldiers
by keeping up his own spirits, at the same time he grieved over the brave
English who had already fallen; one, discreet and prudent, whose quick
eye took in all the parts of military duty. A general, who with all the
stress of warlike ardor and intentness, with his mind full of cares, was
still thoughtful and provident, -^hese three men all seem to agree that

Henry V was all a general should be and more, that he was a soldier, and

a great leader.

On the whole, I think,to say that Henry V was a soldier, a great
leader, and military commander can not be far from correct. He early
showed his military ability which increased and developed as he grew older.
He profited by his experiences in Wales during the Glendower rebellion,
and used knowledge acquired there in his campaigns in France. He was

1. Hudson, "Shakespeare; his Life, Art, and Characters". Chapter on

Historical Plays.

2. Morris, "Keynotes of Shakespeare1 s Plays". Chapter on Henry V.

3. Cunliffe, "Shakespearian Studies" Paper on Character of Henry V as

Prince and King.

Barnet, "Notes on Shakespeare* s Play of King Henry V" Introduction.
Hudson, "Shakespeare: his Life, Art, and Characters" Chapter on
Historical Plays.

successful and victorious in his wars. To be sure he credits all the

glory to God, but I feel that if Henry V himself had not known how to

plan sieges and fight battles he never could have won even with God's

help. It seems to me that Henry1 s success was due to his own abilities,

partly, and to his achievements.

E. Criticism of Henry V, the lover

Not only was Henry V a soldier in his campaigns and wars, but also

1 2

in his wooing of Katherine cf France. T. Duff Barnet and J.J. Burns
have both expressed about the same ideas on this subject. The former
says that as a lover Henry V is not a braggart who uses boastful lang-
uage, but a plain rough soldier with a good heart whose constancy is
yet "uncoined". While the latter agrees that Henry made love in the
same bold way in which he made war. Both in laying siege to a city and
to a heart he knew no such word as "fail."

There has been some disagreement on this topic; those who do not

4 5

agree with the above are R.G. Moulton , J.W. Cunliffe, and E.M. Corbould.
The first of these critics thinks perhaps Henry V assumed this rough
exterior in order to disguise his tenderness ; that he affected a soldier-
like attitude to hide his real feelings. I do not agree with this for
I think he was a soldier, bluff, hearty, and plain-spoken by nature. It

1. Barnet "Notes on Shakespeare's Play of King Henry V" Introduction

2. Burns, "The Story of the English Kings According to Shakespeare "

The Story of Henry V.

3. "Henry V" act 5 scene 2 line 15

4. Moulton, "The New Shakespearian Society's Transactions 1880-1886"

Paper "On Character Development in Shakespeare as Illustrated
by Macbeth and Henry Fifth".

5. Cunliffe "Shake spear ian Studies". Paper on Character of Henry V as

Prince and King.

6. Corbould "Side-Lights on Shakespeare"

"The Life of King Henry V"

t '. <.

seems to me that his wooing is entirely natural and in character. On
the othor hand, Cunliffe writes that Henry's wooing of Katherine although
full of humor, savors of a rough, overbearing hilarity which is neither
princely nor kingly while E.M. Corbould calls it the most prosaic love-
making on record. He continues that Henry V is in no way romantic; he is
satisfied with things as he finds them. Yet, Henry V is the type of person
who would be true and faithful in love as in other things, for love as
well as religion was very real to him."*" Henry V as a lover was master-
ful, bluff, and good natured in his attitude toward Katherine. As can
be seen from the comments above everyone does not agree on Henry as a
lover. At any raie , he seems to have been a soldier here just as much
as on the battle field — plain-spoken, and straightforward, one who spoke
to the point and did not mince matters.

Whether Henry V affected any attitude in order to win Katherine or
not is a question. He seemed sincere and even though he said he was just
a plain soldier and wooed as such, yet I think he really cared for Kath-
erine and desired that she return his affection.
F. Discussion of his speeches and soliloquies.

As a result of the apparent inconsistency in the character of
Henry V, his various speeches and soliloquies have received different
interpretations by critics. Take, for example, the first soliloquy in
"Henry IV" part I where prince Hal tells the audience his actions with
Falstaff and his friends are merely to hide his real nature. Underneath
he is kingly and noble, but just now he is playing a part. J. W. Cunliffe
believes that this speech brings out the underlying seriousness in Henry
V's character which had been hinted at in the preceding dialogue.

1. Corbould, "Side-Lights on Shakespeare" Life of Henry V

Evidently Shakespeare in planning this play did not wish to have prince

Hal misunderstood here, so he foreshadowed the prince1 s speech,"*"

On the other hand, several critics disagree swith Cunliffe on the

interpretation of this soliloquy, Brooke writes that prince Hal is
crafty, and is deliberately using his wildness for political propaganda;

while Burns says,- at least, he is giving an excuse for the wild oats he

is sowing, and we are glad to know he has good intentions.

The question arises - why did Shakespeare have prince Hal give this
soliloquy ? Wo definite answer can be given, but there are several
possible reasons for it, Perhaps Shakespeare did not want young Henry
misunderstood so he took this opportunity to assure the audience that
prince Hal was an example of the old saying - "Appearances are deceitful".
It may be that Shakespeare desired to endear Henry V to his audience and
and iaake him more dramatic by having him give such a soliloquy at this
point. At the same time, the people might fear fcr his later life if
they knew him only as a wild youth who enjoyed pranks, hence, Shakespeare
takes this opportunity to reassure the audience that Henry's actions now
need not necessarily carry over into maturity. Again, it is possible the
dramatist himself is speaking in the person of Henry V; just stepping to
the front of the stage and talking to the audience. At any ratB, he has
Henry V tell them he is really taking the responsibility of the kingship
now, but he can not shake off his bad friends yet, although he realizes
such an act will be necessary later,

1, Cunliffe " Shake s pe ar ian Studies" Paper on Character of Henry V as

Prince and King,

2, Brooke, "Ten More Plays of Shakespeare", Henry V,

3, Burns, "Story of the English Kings According to Shakespeare", Story

of Henry IV.

T/hatever the interpretation of this soliloquy or reasons for it,
I think, we can be fairly certain that prince Hal was noble, serious, and
kingly in his true nature, no matter what outward appearances and his
actions tend to imply.

As king, Henry's speeches before Harfleur and Agincourt have caused
some disagreement. For the most part critics agree that both these speeches
show concentrated purpose, and breathe patriotism and encouragement to
his men. In the speech before Harfleur, Henry V reveals a wide knowledge
of men for he has caught the spirit of every rank in his army. In regard
to the soliloquy before Agincourt J.W. Cunliffe writes that Henry V en-
joys being king and does everything in his power to remain in that
position. The English king really does not wish to change places with
the peasant at all, although he envies the freedom from responsibility,^

For the most part Henry's speeches breathe a spirit of prayer,
and a devotion to God, and his country. In regard to Henry V's attitude
toward God there has arisen more difference of opinion, J,W, Cunliffe
on this subject says that from the modern standpoint his religion is a
mixture of official and personal piety. Doubtless his religious fervor
was in character and an historical fact, but it no longer appeals to us

as it did to the audiences in Shakespeare's day. Probably, however,

his religion was the conventional religion of the time.

The prayer before Agincourt is a beautiful petition of forgiveness
not only for himself but also for his father. It reveals a profound
trust and belief in God, Even though his piety may seem conventional
to audiences today, I feel that Henry V was sincerely devout, and pro-

1. Cunliffe, "Shakespeare Studies", Paper on Character of Henry V as

Prince and King,

2. Ibid,

foundly religious, that he believed and trusted in God. Not only is
there evidence of this in the trilogy but also in history.

What is the significance of the various soliloquies? No one ans-
wer can be given, but we can surmise several meanings. It may be to reveal
the character of Henry V more fully; his actions, and comments upon him
by others , tell something of his character , but his own speeches give
more insight into his nature. He is the hero of the last play of the
trilogy and he speaks more than anyone else in it. Perhaps one reason
for this is to center attention upon him and make him stand out as "the
mirror of all Christian kings."* Then again, Henry V's soliloquies
carry out and fulfill what has been said about him which rounds out his
character and gives a completeness to it. He reveals himself to his
audience, especially in his first soliloquy as prince Hal, and also before
the battle of Agincourt, when the King reflects on the conversations he
has just had with his soldiers; he also discourses on responsibility.
It seems to me that the chief significance of Henry's soliloquies is to
show us his true character and reveal to us his real fielings, ideas,
and ideals. But, I repeat, there is no single answer to the question of
their significance.

Thus we see that not only has Henry V's character been analyzed
and criticized since Shakespeare's day, but also his speeches and solil-
oquies - their meaning and motives. Here as in the discussions of his
character there are disagreements among the critics. One thing which
seems to influence their opinions is the question of consistency or in-
consistency in Henry V's character as portrayed by Shakespeare.

1. "Henry V" Act II Prologue 11.6

•

G. Consistency of the character of Henry V throughout the trilogy.

After a survey of the various aspects of Henry v"fs many-sided
character, the question still persists,- is he consistently drawn by
Shakespeare throughout the trilogy? On first thought, I should say "no".
Our first view of him is with Falstaff and his friends who are for the
most part of the scum of London, The prince here is reckless, careless,
and apparently forgetful of his high birth. As far as his actions are
concerned prince Hal shows no redeeming qualities, except at the battle
of Shrewsbury, which is inconsistent with King Henry who was such a
noble, just, and serious person, His actions as prince were for the most
part practical jokes or horse-play. To be sure, he excuses himself to us
in his first soliloquy("Henry IV" part I act 1 scene 2) by saying he is
merely playing a part to mask his real character j when the time comes
he will reveal hinself in his true nature, Shakespeare puts this revel-
ation and transformation at the battle of Shrewsbury, However, on the
whole his actions as prince (except at Shrewsbury) are far from the noble,
kingly man in the last play of the trilogy. On the contrary, disregard-
ing his actions as a basis for judgment, but studying his words not only
in the soliloquy mentioned above, but also throughout the three plays,
he appears more favorably as a consistent character. Even in the company
of his wild companions prince Hal shows an underlying seriousness and a
manly realization of his high responsibilities. Not only does he confess
this in his first soliloquy, but later drops other hints that he is not
what he appears to be on the surface. For instance, "Well then once in
my days I'll be a madcap," ("Henry IV" part I act 1 scene 2 lines 143-144);
again, when the prince and Falstaff burlesque the interview between Hal
and his father, Falstaff says to banish all but himself, to do that would

be to banish the world, the prince's reply, "l do, I will." (Henry IV "
part I act 2 scene 4 line 472) shows his realization that Falstaff's
influence over him is not to his credit. In the interview with his
father prince Hal is a humble, reverent, and repentant young man who
admits his actions have not been the best, but promises to be more
himself, which would prove that he had not been showing his real nature.
Just before Shrewsbury when the Prince of Wales praises Hotspur he admits
that he, himself, has " a truant been to chivalry." ("Henry IV part I
act 5 scene 1 line 94) but bravely proposes to try the issue of the
battle single-handed with Hotspur, which Henry IV vetoes. During the
battle the prince chides Fal staff when he finds him idle, telling him
everyone on Henry IV1 s side must participate and defeat the enemy; he
engages in combat with Hotspur and kills him; the prince also saves
his father's life. All this would seem to show that in spite of his
actions with Falstaff and the others of that group, prince Hal was con-
sistently drawn by Shakespeare as a noble, serious prince and king.

On this point Hudson writes,- as prince he realized he must
defeat the enemies who threatened his father's downfall, and nobly up-
hold the honor of Henry IV. As king he was great not only in thought
and purpose but also in action. All the parts of his versatile character
converge into one consistent whole. He was above all genuine and sincere
in all he said and did. He hated "sham" and strove to seem just what
he was, and to be just what he seemed. "His character, through all its
varieties of transpiration in the three plays where he figures, is per-
fectly coherent and of one piece. Even as the lover in the last act

1. "Hudson* s Shakespeare Henry V" Introduction page XLVIII

of "Henry V" the king continues to be consistent, for he is the frank,
open soldier in his wooing, nevertheless, we can feel a deep seriousness
beneath all he says.

Thus through the trilogy which portrays Henry V as prince and
king, if we disregard his unprincely actions and consider only what he
says of himself ( or what others say to his credit), his conduct at
Shrewsbury and after he became king, we find a manly serious person, who
was frank, just, noble, and a soldier with great military talents.

Perhaps some will not agree and feel that Henry V was not consist-
ent in the trilogy, even when we consider his speeches and his actions
from Shrewsbury on. However, I have tried to give my ideas on the subject.

Shakespeare has endowed Henry V with a common- sense appreciation
of common virtues and common things. Henry V was not deceived by mere
outward appearances. Not only did Shakespeare follow fairly closely
the historical traditions in his portrayal of Henry V but also he gave
his hero qualities he knew would be acceptable to his audience. This may
account for the prejudice on the part of audiences today, because Shake-
speare wrote for a certain type of hearer and not for our modern audience.
At any rate, the commonplace thoughts of Henry V were clothed by Shake-
speare in a language which expressed patriotism and stirred the hearts
of the Elizabethan audiences. Shakespeare made his hero great in thought,
purpose, and performance.

■What endears Henry V to us most today is his humanity, high courage,
modesty, good humor, and common sense. He was above all a man and a
soldier.

•

My Own Conclusion.

From all the evidence it seems to me that Henry V was on the
whole a worthy figure. Even if his conduct as a youth was not wholly good,
at the same time no specific misdemeanors can be laid against him. All the
statements in regard to his riotous behavior are general. Besides, most of
his time was spent in warlike operations and the little he was in London
could not have been tii.-e enough for any serious dissipations. Although he
did stoop to low practical jokes in Shakespeare's plays, he never once
forgot that he was heir-apparent to the throne. He was always master of
the situation, himself, and his companions.

As a prince, I feel that Henry V was adventurous and high-
spirited but with an underlying seriousness and a realization of the respon-
sibilities ahead of him. He was also good-humored, kindly, and pleasant.
In war he was a brave soldier, a born leader, and sober in the face of
real danger. If he was evil and riotous in his youth, his kingly actions
have for the most part overbalanced that.

King Henry V, T think, was a mnaly, courteous, pious individual
who honestly believed in his right to France, He was energetic and ambitious
but did not forge ahead without due deliberation and forethought, Henry
had a faculty for getting along with all classes and types of people. He
was easily accessible to his subjects and just in his judgments. He was
reverent and humble before God, confident in God, and grateful to Him,

SUMMARY

Henry V is an historical character about whom there are many-
traditions and much controversy. By Shakespeare's day so much tradition
had grown up about Henry V it is difficult to know just which is fact and
which fiction, Robert B, Mowat, a modern historian of Henry V, says,-
"Henry V in his day was held to be the pattern of a chivalrous knight. ;
round his name has centered the romance of medieval England; in his person
Shakespeare found already expressed the glory of the Elizabethan age,"'''
Henry V's character has many of the faults and all the virtues of his
time. Hence, we shall expect to find him human,

Henry of Monmouth, born about 1387, was the eldest of the four
sons of Henry IV, Mary de Bohun, Henry V's mother, died in 1394 which
interrupted his home life, and King Richard II undertook the care of
Henry V, The banishment of his father made no difference in the position
and prospects of the young prince.

In May 1399 Richard took Henry with him on his second expedition
to Ireland, It was during this trip that Richard knighted Henry V. Mean-
while uunknown to his son, Henry TV returned from his banishment and by a
revolution was placed on the throne of England, Henry V's education was
almost finished when his father ascended the throne and the young boy soon
entered upon a career of administration and war which continued until his
death.

The next year Owen Glendower in Wales rebelled against Henry IV
and the young prince was sent to help out down the rebellion.

1, Mowat, "Henry V"- page 2

•

In 1403 the very nobles who had helped Henry IV gain the throne
of England became dissatisfied and turned against him.

Henry V at the age of twenty-one was a tried soldier, and a success
ful commander, due to the Welsh war. Hence, he could help his father fight
his enemies.

It is to this stage in his life that the stories, which arose at
a later date, refer. Two which persist even today are that the prince led
a wild life at the capital and that his father resented the active part his
son played in the administration. There are a number of authorities for
his career as prince. Stow tells of young Henry's playing highwayman, while
Thomas Elyot gives an account of prince Hal's striking the judge of Gascoigne
Specifio statements from contemporary writers prove that Henry's conduct was
not above reproach.

It is certain there was a disagreement between the prince and his
father. Actual contemporary references prove his interest in the affairs
and proceedings of the Privy Council and elsewhere in the government. Due
to his father's failing health, the Prince of Wales had to take more and
more responsibility of the government upon himself. The prince's policy
differed from his father's so that may have caused the misunderstanding.

After his father's death when Henry V became king, he was the
most impressive person in England, the administrator, statesman, and
soldier. He ascended the throne on March 21, 1413 at the age of twenty-
five; a young man whose personal habits were of the best.

The first crisis of Henry V's reign was with the Lollards who
believed that all prelates should be adequately provided for, but none
should have large incomes or possessions. Henry was lax in his treatment
of these men unless they interfered with politics. Oldcastle was perse-

cuted amd finally'- executed because he meddled in political affairs.

Henry V had definite aims and he kept them constantly before him.
He did not go to France until after due deliberation, and after he had asked
the counsel of his nobles and prelates. On the eve of departure Henry dis-
covered a conspiracy against his life which he quickly crushed.

The English king and his army landed in France near Harfleur,
They laid siege to the town and finally succeeded in capturing it, Henry V
was an energetic and able officer during the siege.

The march from Harfleur was remarkably well conducted which testi-
fies to the powers of leadership of Henry V, The night before the battle of
Agincourt the English army moved in silence out of the trap set by the French,
and at daybreak they found the English in battle array opposite them. The
day was one of victory for the English,

There was a great reception to Henry V when he returned to London
after the battle of Agincourt, However, he gave all the glory to God and
claimed none of the honor of the victory.

After unsuccessful attempts to arrange peace between France and
England, Henry V planned a second expedition to France which showed his pro-
found strategy; he was a truly constructive general who personally conducted
his sieges with prudence and care. This expedition proved to be his last
one for he was stricken with his final illness at Corbeil and died at -^aris
three weeks later.

The King*s body, after embalming, was placed in a wooden coffin
and started on its way to Calais from whence it was sent to England. He was
buried among the tombs of his ancestors on November 7, 1422,

The personal qualities of Henry V were such as to endear him to
all his subjects and make him a popular character in history. His most
notable quality, justice, was given by contemporary chroniclers of both France

•

and England, Henry V's industry -was shown by his administration of the
government in England and the organization of his campaigns abroad, Mingled
with his dashing spirit was a coolness and prudence seldom found in typical
medieval knights, Henry's piety was a great favor in his life.

The most permanent gift which Henry V gave to England was a spirit
of patriotism. His chief qualities were courage, determination, judgment,
and industry.

It is generally understood and believed that Shakespeare used
sources for most of the plays he wrote, Holinshed' s "Chronicles" has been
accepted as the source for his history plays, Holinshed refers to a mis-
understanding between prince Hal and his father. The prince's low companions
and his pranks are also recorded in Holinshed who treats at some length the
banishment of Falstaff and his old associates by Henry V after his corona-
tion.

According to Holinshed it was during the Parliament at Leicester,
called by Henry V soon after he became king, what a bill was introduced
against the clergy, who naturally wished to divert the king's mind. There-
fore the Archbishop of Canterbury told the king he had an undoubted right to
France,

The incident of the present of tennis balls from the Dauphin of
France is also told by Holinshed,

Regarding the conspiracy against his life no chronicle published
in Shakespeare's day relates how Henry V led the conspirators to condemn
themselves.

An example of how closely Shakespeare followed his source at
times is given in the King's speech in "HenryV" act 2 scene 2, Shakespeare
ignored Holinshed at times, for example after the fall of Harfleur the King
drove out the people and populated the town with English immigrants, while

in the play he commands that mercy be shown to all.

Shakespeare took from Holinshed an illustration of Henry V's
justice when the King refused to pardon Bardolph who had robbed a church.
Two other things from Holinshed are the over-confidence of the French, and
the quiet march of the English army to Agincourt the night before the battle.
Henry V's piety is also shown in Holinshed when he gave thanks after the
battle for the victory, and declared none of the honor was due anyone
but God.

Shakespeare's other source, "Famous Victories of Henry V",
has no act and scene arrangement, some of the scenes in this play Shake-
speare used in his trilogy, for example,- the scene after the highway robbery;
the scene between Henry V and his father; the sleeping king and the removal
of the crown by the Prince of Wales; the rejection of Falstaff and his com-
panions; the Archbishop of Canterbury telling Henry V of his right to France;
the Dauphin's scornful gift of tennis balls; the battle of Agincourt ( here
Shakespeare enlarged upon his source); discussion of the peace terms and the
wooing of Katherine of France.

Judging from his plays one can be fairly certain that Shakespeare
had a definite plan in mind as to the portrayal of Henry V. In "Richard II"
act 5 scene 3 the speeches of Bolingbroke and the actions of the prince are
given by Percy as a guide to the character of the Prince of Wales. In "Henry
IV" part I we see prince Hal rioting with low companions, shielding them
from the law, even supporting them. At the close of the play however, he is
the brave soldier ready to do battle for his father. In "Henry IV " part II
prince Hal is still playing jokes on Falstaff but as king he is a different
person - noble, serious, and dignified who casts off his idle ways and com-
panions. In "Henry V" he is the warlike king who rules his realm wisely
and well. He shows a deep knowledge of human nature; he is calm, cheerful,

courageous before Agincourt, and reveals his confidence in God for the victory.

As a lover he is unchanged,- blunt, plain-spoken, and to the point,

Robert B, Mowat feels that Shakespeare portrays Henry V in three
ways in the trilogy. First,- a lusty vigorous youth of sixteen years fond
of practical jokes and horse-play; second,- the manly serious prince at
Shrewsbury, whc put aside his low associates as king ( this is the historic
Henry) j third,- the bluff straightforward soldier in his wooing of Katherine.
Mr. Mowat feels that the statesman, hero king of Agincourt is the described
by the authentic biographer - Titus Livius.

Since Shakespeare's day there has arisen much criticism and con-
troversy regarding the character of Henry V, In the course of these differ-
ences of opinion some prejudice has been shown which may be due either to the
age in which the critic lived or to his personality, ^hief of these critics,
Hazlitt, feels that both prince Hal and Hotspur are beautifully drawn and
dramatic; they portray chivalry at its best. Still, the Prince of Yvales,
although generous, gallant, and good humored, possessed "idle freaks of
character"''' Hazlitt continues that Henry V was probably a favorite monarch
not only with Shakespeare but also with the Entire English nation. Yet,
Henry did not know how to rule his own country so he made war on his neigh-
bors, Hazlitt shows his Jacobinism quite strongly when he refers to "young
Harry" as being as delightful to watch as a caged beast. Again in regard
to Henry V's treatment of Falstaff, Hazlitt feels very strongly and can not
forgive the king for his harsh treatment of Falstaff,

Some critics feel that "Henry V" is not a good acting play. It
is more interesting to read because of the importance of characterization
in this play. It is a pageant and character study rather than a play with
plot construction,

1, Hazlitt, "Characters of Shakespeare's Plays" - page 30

So much for favorable criticism, turning to the unfavorable, "we
find Henry V lacking in many respects; there is little to praise in him.
According to some poeple, he is very common, utterly lacking in feeling,
possessing a selfish ambition. We do not think of "divine right of kings"
today, hence, we see no reason why he should desire France*

Not only critics but actors also have given various interpreta-
tions of Henry V. He should be youthful, yet possess statecraft and dignity
in order not to draw too sharp a line between prince Hal and King Henry V,
according to Mansfield. His speeches should show some feeling and yet possess
dignity. The production of this play gives an opportunity for the spectacular,
says this actor. He believes that "Henry V" teaches lessons of Godliness,
loyalty, courage, cheerfulness, and perseverance.

Two other actors who have portrayed Henry V are waiter Hampden and
Lewis Ylaller, One criticism of Hampden' s production emphasizes Shakespeare's
faults and criticizes the play from that standpoint, while another puts the
emphasis on Hampden's presentation of the play and his portrayal of the
English king, Waller's interpretation of Henry V was splendid, according to
critics, except that he lacked the youthful fire which Shakespeare gave that
English king. As a whole, Waller's production received very high praise, not
only for his presentation of Henry V, but also for his entire company. Per-
haps English actors possess an abiliy to understand and interpret Shakespeare
which American companies lack.

No paper on Henry V would be complete without some mention of Fal-
staff, for bhese two men are so closely related in Shakespeare's plays it
has been asked whether such relations actually existed or not. ■'•'his is not
known, but Henry's treatment of Falstaff has been severely criticized. On the
other hand, it was a most natural thing and the only possible action under the
circumstances.

The relations between prince Hal and his father have been
discussed by various critics. The balance of opinion is to the effect that
when in the presence of his father the Prince of Wales showed his true
character - a dutiful son repentant for his faults. Some critics explain
his separation from court and his wild life by saying that the prince under-
stood his father too well and although he admired Henry IV s ability to carry
on and rule wisely, yet he felt under a restraint at court so he went where
he could be free and spend his surplus energy. There seem to be two main
reasons for prince Hal*s conduct v/hich grow out of his relations with his
father. First, the prince understood his father so well that he left court
to seek relief from the intrigue and restraint; second, Henry IV was jealous
of his sonfs executive ability, and prince Hal sought to occupy himself with
other things than government business. On the whole, it seems to me, prince
Hal was a dutiful son to his father, frankly acknowledging his faults, and
promising to lead a better life,

Henry V has been considered as being a soldier from first to last.
He was a great leader, and a general. One who knew the military science of
his day so well that he could plan and execute successful sieges and battles.
He profited in later years by his early experiences in Wales, and was success-
ful and victorious in his campaigns in France,

Not only was Henry V a soldier in his warfare, but also in his
wooing of Katherine of France. In his wooing he is a plain soldier, bluff,
and hearty. Some disagree and feel that Henry V assumed his soldierlike
exterior to hide his tenderness, but I do not agree with this. It seems to
me that Henry was a plain-spoken, straightf orward soldier here as in his
campaigns.

As a result of the apparent inconsistency of Henry V's character,
his speeches and soliloquies have been discussed and received various inter-
pretations. In regard to his first soliloquy as prince Hal some think he
shows his underlying seriousness and is really acting a part as he tells us,

while others feel the prince is crafty here, and is using his conduct for

political ends, Whatever the interpretation, I think we can/fairly certain

and

prince Hal was noble, /kingly in his true nature, no matter what his actions
implied. Most critics agree that Henry's speeches before Harfleur and Agin-
court reveal a knowledge of human nature, and breathe patriotism and encour-
agement to his men.

Even Henry V's religion has been criticized. 3ome feel it was a
mixture of personal and official piety, while others think perhaps it was the
conventional religion of his day. I feel that he was sincerely devout and

religious. Thereis evidence of this not only in the trilogy, but also
in history.

Henry V's many sided character calls forth the question,- is he
consistently drawn by Shakespeare? On first thought, I should say "no",
for his actions as prince surely do not coincide with those as king, except
at Shrewsbury. On the other hand, to consider only his speeches, both as
prince and king, and to disregard his actions, he appears more consistent.
Hudson ^ thinks that all the parts of Henry's versatile character are per-
fectly consistent, that we can feel a deep seriousness in his character all
the time.

Thus, if we disregard Henry V's actions, and consider only what
he says of himself ( or what others say in his praise), his conduct at Shrev^s-
bury, and his actions as king, we find Henry V consistently drawn throughout
the trilogy.

1. "Hudson's Shakespeare Henry V" Introduction

Shakespeare endowed Henry V with a common- sense appreciation
of common virtues and common things. He clothed that English king's thoughts
in beautiful language which inspired the Elizabethan audience. 'That we admire
most in Henry V today is his common humanity, high courage, modest plain-
spokenness, good humor, and practical common sense. He tabs above all a man
and a soldier.

From all the evidence, it seems to me that Henry V was on the whole
a worthy figure. His youthful conduct may not have been wholly good, but
there is no specific misdemeanor known. As prince, I feel that Henry V was
an adventurous and high-spirited youth with an underlying seriousness and a
realization of his noble position. King Henry V, I think, was a manly,
courteous, pious individual who honestly believed in his right to France.
He was energetic and ambitious, but he possessed the qualities of delibera-
tion and forethought. A king with the "common touch" he was easily accessible
to his subjects. He was reverent and sincere in his faith in God and
grateful to Him for His benefits.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

1. Adams, Joseph uincj

"Chief Pre-Shake spear ian Dramas"

A Selection of -flays Illustrating the History of the Hnglish Drama

from its Origin Down to Shakespeare
Published by: Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, Hot» York
Date of Publication: 1924

-octent used: the play "Famous Victories of Henry V"

2. -inger, Alfred
"Lectures and Assays"

Published by: Mac^'illan and Company, Limited

New York
Date of publication: 1905
Extent used: Lecture on Fal staff

3. Baker, Gleorge Pierce

"The Development of -hnkespenre as a Dramatist"
Published by: The ^-ac-illan Company

New York
Jate of Publication : 1927
Edition: first in 1907
extent used: entire book

4. Barnett, T. Duff B.A.

"Notes on Shakespeare's Play of King Henry V"
Published by: George Bell and Sons

York Street Covent Garden, London
Date of publication: 1888
Extent used: Introduction

5. Bo swell-Stone , Walter G.
"Shakespeare's Hoi in shed"

The Chronicle amd Historical Plays Compared
Published by: Longman's Green, and Company

London and Bombay
Date of publication: 1896

Extent used: notes on "Henry IV" parts 1 and 2: "Henry V"

6. Brooke, Stopford A.

"Ten iore Plays of -hakespenre"
Published by: Henry Holt and Company

Kew York
-'ate of puDlication: 1913

■^xtynt usea: chapters IX and X on "Henr^' IV" and "Henry V"

7. Burns, J»J« E«A«, Ph.D.

"The Story of the English Kings according to Shake spe a re "
Published by: D. Applet on and Company

New ^ork
Date of Publication: 1699
Extent used: The Story of Henry IV
The otory of ilenry V
6. Canning, Hon. Albert S»G*

"Thoughts on Shakespeare's Historical Plays"
Published by: V/.B. Allen and Company

13 Waterloo Place Pall i<-all S.W.
Date of publication: 1884
Extent used: chapters VI, VII, VIII

9. Shorch, Rev. A.. J.

"Henry V" (English ^en of action Series)
Published by: iiuac^illan ~nd Company

Boston, Mass,
Date of publication: 1669
-xtent used: entire book

10. Clarke, Helen and Porter, Charlotte, editors
"Life of Henry V by Win. Shakespeare "

(First Folio Edition)
Published by: Thomas Y Growell and Gornpany

New York
Extent used: Introduction

11. Gorbould, B.M. and Rossi, I.
"Siie-lights on Shakespeare"

Published by :5onnenschein and Company Ltd.

London England
^ate of publication: 1897
Extent used: Life of Henry V.

12. Coleridge, Saimel Taylor

"Lectures and i'Jotes on Shakespeare amd Other English Poets"
Published by: Geor;;a Sell ai d Sons

London, England
Late of publication: 1863
Extent used: Part II Sections 1,2,3

13. Cunliffe, John '.V.
"Shakespeare Studies"

■cidited by Brander Matthews and A. Horace Thorndike

These studies are by the Members of the Department of Jnglish

and Corrparative Literature in Columbia University

1? Published at: the Columbia University Press
Date of publication: 1916

Extent used: The Character of Henry V as Prince and King

14. Hansen, lima and Wallace, R.S., editors
"Holinshed's Chronicles"

Richard II 1398-14— and Henry V
Published at: the Clarendon Press

Oxford, England
Pate of publication: 1917
Extent used: entire book

15. Hazlitt, /Villiam

"Characters of -h^kespe^re ' s Plays"
Published by: Wiley and Putnam

161 Broadway New York
x>ate of publication: 1845
extent used: pages 123-139 inclusive

16. Hudson, The He v. H.N. LL.D.

"Shukespearo : his Life, Art and Characters with the Historical

Sketch of the Origin and Growth of Drama in England"
Published by: Ginn and Company

Boston, Uass«
Edition: fourth ( first in 1872)

Extent used: Volume II chapters on "Henry IV" and "Henry V"

17. Hunt, Leigh

Essays and Sketches"
Published by: Oxford I'ress

London, England
Edition: first in 1S06

Extent used: Essays on "Henry IV" and "Henry V"

18. Kin^sf ord, Charles Lothbridge

"Dictionary of National Biography" Volume 26

iidited by Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee
■Published by: Maettilla& and Company

Boston, x-ass.
Date Of publication: 1631
Extent used: the life of Henry V

19. Kingsford, Ch:.rles Lothbridge

"English Historical Literature in the Fifteenth Century"
Published by: Oxford University Press

London, England
Date of publication: 1913
Extent used: chapter III

20. Kingsford, Onarles Lothbridge
"Henry V the Typical Medieval Hero"

(Heroes of the Nations Series)
Published by: G.P. Putnam's Sons

New York
Date of publication: 1901
extent used: entire book

21. Kingsford, Charles Lothbridge

"Prejudice and Promise in the XVth Century England"

(The Ford Lectures 1923-1924)
Published by: Oxford University Press

Lonaon, England
Date of publication: 1925

Extent used: Lecture I Fifteenth Century History in the

Shakespearian Plays

22. Lamb, Charles

"Specimens of Bngliih Dramatic Poets V/ho Lived About the

Tiae of Shakespeare"
Published by: -V'iley and Putnam

161 Broadway New York
Date of publication: 1845

.•'xteut used: found nothing concerning Jhakespeare
23? Mansfield, Hichard

"The Hichard Mansfield Acting Version of King Henry V"

A History in Five -^cts by ,<illiam Jhakespeare
Published by: i^cClure, Phillips amd Company

Hew i'ork
Date of puolication: 1901
Extent usea: entire book

24. morris, J..«.

"Keynotes of Shakespeare's Plays"

Published by: Bath; Charles Eallet (The Late R.E. Peach)

The Bladud Library 8 Bridge Street

Date of publication: 1866
Extent used: chapter on Henry V

25. Woulton, R.G.

"The New Jhakespeare Society Transactions"
Published by: TrtTbner and Company

57 and 59 Ludgate Hill E.G.

London, England

Date of publication: 1866

extent used: Pa] er on "On Character development in Shakespeare
as Illustrated by ^cbeth and Henry V

26. Mowat, Robert 3almain
"Henry V"

Puolished by: Houghton Mifflin Company
Late of publication: 1^19
Extent used: entire book

27. Holfe, .villiam Janes editor
"Shakespeare's History of Henry IV Part I"
Published b^ : American 3ook Company

New York
Pate of publication: 1921
Bditloni third (first I860)
Extent used: Introduction
26. ^chofield, Villi-;™ Henry

"Chivalry in English Literature"

Chaucer, Calory, Spenser, Shakespeare
Published by: Harvard University

Cambridge, -^ss.
Late of publication: 1912
Lxtent used: entire book
29. Schelling, Pelix £■

"The English Chronical Play"

A Study in the Popular Historical Literature Environing Shakespeare
Published by: iiacLillan and Company

Boston, i^ass.
Late of publication: 1902
Extent used: entire bock

30, Shakespeare Scrap-book

Cora-nosed of Clippings from various papers on Shakespeare and his plays
--xtent used: the article on Jerusalem Chamber

31. Wallace, R»D. editor
"Holinshed 's Chronicles "

Richard II 1396-1400 and Henry V

Published at: the Clarendon Press

Oxford , England
Date of publication: 1917
Extent used: entire book

*** m *************** ^. *

i-^M'az ii.es

1. Life

Volume 60 No. 1563

October 10, 1912
Drama by J.S. Metcalfe page 1958

2. The Nation and The Athenaeum
Volume XXVIII No. 22

February 26, 1921
The Drama by Frank Swinnerton pages 737-738

3. The Nation

Volume CXXVI No. 3274

April 4, 1928
Drarra by Joseph -ood Krutch pages 388-389

4. The New York Drarratic -irror
Volume LXVIII No. 1763

October 2, 1912
King I-'exiry V produced by Lewis .oiler at Daly's page 7

5. i'hoater Art-s Monthly
Volume All No. 5

May 1926
The ^e.irs at Spring

Broadway in Review by John Has on Brown
pages 313- 315

6. The Theater

The Magazine for Playgoers
Volume XVI No. 141

November 1912

Daly's Theater "Henry V" by A.P. pages 130 & 159

**********************

PI T VS

1. "Edward II" by Christopher i-arlowe

2. "Rich- rd II" by dlliam Shakespeare

3. "Henry IV" part 1 by William -hakespeare

4. "Henry IV" part 2 by William cihakes^eare

5. "Henry V" by .<illiam Shakespeare

II. Shakespeare ' s Sources and Use of Them

It is generally understood and believed that Shakespeare used
sources for most of the plays he wrote. Just how much of his source material
he utilized and just how he used it is still a question. However, scholars
have discovered that Shakespeare did not always keep the order of events
given in hi 3 source, neither did he follow the source in all respects. On
the other hand in his chronicle plays, whose main source was Holinshed's
"Chronicles", Shakespeare sometimes followed the source so closely that in
some instances he almost copied word for word, transforming the prose of
Kolinshed into blank verse. At other times Shakespeare gave the material
found in his source a twist this way or that which made a different impress-
ion. In some places where Holinshed mentioned a topic in two or three
sentences, Shakespeare enlarged it into a scene or conversation, while at
other times an event treated at 3ome length by Holinshed was just barely
mentioned by Shakespeare , or even omitted entirely. On the whole, Shake-
speare changed the place or order of events, added, rejected, and changed
the history to suit his taste and the needs of the day. In the trilogy of
"Henry IV" parts I and II, and "Henry V" we find Shakespeare using two
principal sources,- Holinshed's "Chronicles" and a play "Famous Victories
of Henry V".

In Holinshed's "Chronicles" there is a reference to a misunder-
standing between prince Hal and his father. Nevertheless, after a meeting

at .Vestminster the young prince was dismissed by the king "with great love

and signes of fatherlie affection." This may be the meeting which Shake-
speare used for "Henry IV" part I act 3 scene 2, during which the king
chided his son for his wild and dissolute life.

1. Boswell-Stone, "Shake speare"s Holinshed" - page 140

The prince's low companions and his pranks are recorded in Hoi in-
shed. Then the writer goes on to say,- "Yet his behavior was not offensive
or at least did not tend to injure anyone - he avoided doing wrong, kept
his affections within the tract of vertue. He was beloved by those who
could understand his disposition which was in no degree excessive that he
deserved to be suspected."* According to that it would appear that Holin-
shed believed Henry V's mad-cap ways and actions were not to be taken too
seriously. Hclinshed admits that jjrince Hal's behavior might appear to be
offensive, yet it was not intended to harm anyone. Those who understood
his nature understood this and loved him.

Holinshed treats at some length the banishment of Falstaff and
his old associates by .henry V g f ter his coronation. Shakespeare portrays
this in "Henry IV" part II act 5 scene 5. On this point Holinshed writes, -
"But the king even at the first appointing with himselfe, to shew that in
his person princlie honours should change publike manners, he determined
to put on him the shape of a new man. For whereas aforetime he had made
himselfe a companion unto misrulie mates of dissolute order and life he now
banished them all from his presence (but not unrewarded, or else unpre-

ferred): inhibiting them upon a great paine, not once to approach, lodge,

or soiourne within ten miles of his court or presence."

According to Holinshed it was during the Parliament at Leicester,
called by Henry V soon after he becare king, that a bill was introduced
against the clergy which would deprive them of much land and money. Nat-
urally they wished to divert Henry's mind froir such a catastrophe. So the
-rchbishop of Canterbury made an oration in which he said that the duchies

1. Boswell-Jtone, "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 141

2. Bor.vell-otone, "Shake sne- re *s Holinshed" - page 164

of Normandy, Aqui tain, the counties of Anjou and Maine, and the whole
country cf Gascoigne belonged by undoubted right to England, as well as
the whole realm of France. Shakespeare used this as the source for the
speech of the archbishop of Canterbury in "Henry V" act 1 scene 2. Further,
the Archbishop's speech (lines 33-95) is copied almost word for word from
Holinshed, except that Shakespeare puts it in a different form from Holin-
shed's prose.

The incident of the present of tennis balls from the dauphin of
Frarce to -King Henry V is told by Holinshed. It is interesting to note that
Shakespeare spells it Dauphin while Holinshed uses the form Dolphin. A
part of Holinshed' s account follows, -"••/hilest in the Lent season the King
laie at Kill ingsworth, there came to him from Charles Dolphin of France
certeine ambassadors, that brot with them a barrell of Paris balles; which
from their master they presented to him for a token that was taken in verie
ill part, as sent in scorne, to signifie, that it was more meet for the king
to passe the time with such childish exercise, than to attempt any wcrthie
exploit "wherefore the king wrote to him, that e'er long, he would tosse
him some London balles that perchance should shake the walles of the best
court in France."1 It seems that Henry V calmly received the Dauphin's
scornful gift and as quietly answered it sending the French ambassadors
from the English court with a safe conduct.

In regard to the conspiracy against the life of Henry Y, wi ich he
discovered on the eve of his departure for France, neither Holinshed nor
any other chronicler published in Shakespeare's day relate that the conspir-
ators were led to doom themselves by Henry V. ("Henry V" act 2 scene 2)
The speech in which the king upbraids them is wholly Shakespeare's except

1. Boswell-St one, "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 173

where Scroop's dissimilation and ingratitude is denounced. Holinshed

tells hov; much henry V trusted Lord Jcroop.

The speech of the King in "Henry V" act 2 scene 2 (lines 167-181)

is an example of how closely Jhakespeare followed his source at times.

(Note the underlined words in both.)

Holinshed Shakespeare

"Having thus conspired the "You have conspired against

death and construction of me, which our royal person,"...

am the head of the realm and "Touching our person, seek we no

governor of the people, it maie he that no revenge;

you likewise have sworne the confusion But we our kingdom's safety must

of all that are here with me, and also so tender,

the desolation of your own country.. .Those ruin you have sought, that to

...... .Revenge herein touching mi her laws

person, though I seeke not, I yet we do deliver you. Get you,

for the safe-guard of you mi deere therefore, hence,

freends, and for due preservation Poor miserable wretches, to your

of all sorts, I am by office to death;

cause example to be shewed. Get ye The taste whereof, God of his

hence therefore, ye poore ml serable mercy g ive

wretcnes, to the receiving of your You patience to endure, and true

just reward, ./herein God ' s .naiestie repentance

give you grace ,of his mercie and Cf all your dear offenses."
repentance of your heinous offenses."

Shakespeare ignored Holinshed when he had the king tell Exeter

to "use mercy to them all" ("Henry V" act 3 scene 3 line 54) after the fall

of Harfleur. Holinshed reports that the king expelled from Karfleur

"parents with their children, yoong maids, and old folke" and filled
their place with English immigrants.

1. Boswell-Stone "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - pages 176 & 177

2. Boswell-Stone "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 181

Shakespeare illustrates Henry ' s e ven-handed justice when in
"Henry V" act 3 scene 6 the king refuses to pardon Bardolph who has robbed
a church. Holinshed reports that during Henry's march no "outrage or
offense doone bj- the English except one, which was, that a souldiour took
a pix out of a church, for which he was apprehended, and the king not once
removed until the box was restored, and the offender strangled."1 Here
Shakespeare uses Bardolph for the thief and thus eliminates one of the

comic characters. Whether the king's so-called charitable proclamation

was a result of this or not is a question. At any rate, on August 17 he

"caused proclamation to be made, that no person should be so hardie, on

paine of death, either to take anie thing out of anie church that belonged

to the same; or to hurt or do anie violence either to the priests, women,

or anie such as should be found without weapon or armour, and nor readie

to make resistance."

had plaide the Englishmen at dice." This is probably the source for the
last scene in act 3 of "Henry V".

Holinshed tells of the quiet march of the .English to Agincourt
the night before the battle. It seems the French thought they had Henry V
in a trap and while they were celebrating that " they thought was sure to be
victory on the morrow, the -English army quietly and silently at the king's

1. Boswell-Stone "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 184

2. Soswell-Stone "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 184

3. Boswell-Stone "Shakespeare's Holinshed" - page 186

command, marched out of the trap and were in battle array before the
French discovered what had happened. This may be where Shakespeare got
his idea to have Fluellen tell Sower to speak lower( "Henry V" act 4 scene 6
lines 37 & 38). Shakespeare took these words directly from Holinshed. At

the same time Holinshed tells that the French set fire to the English tents
and began to plunder them. This he gives as the reason for Henry's command
to kill the prisoners. Holinshed tries to excuse the king on the grounds
that he was in a passion and angry, otherwise he would have been more
merciful.

Shakespeare gets the incident of the naming of the battle from
Holinshed who says that i-ontjoy, the French herald, came to ask permission
for the French to bury their dead when Henry V was still uncertain as to
the outcome. After kontjoy told the king the English had won, Henry asked
the name of the castle "hard by" and named the battle - Agincourt. ( "Henry
V" act 4 scene 7 ) .

Shakespeare changed the names and the event a little when he had
the practical joke played on Fluellen by Henry V. ("Henry V" act 4 scene 1).
Holinshed relates this as the encounter of the king with the Duke of Alanson
(Alen<jon in Shakespeare) by whom he wai: almost felled, yet he slew two
of the Duke's men and felled the Duke himself before he got the glove.

Shakespeare's metrical roll of the French prisoners and of those
slain on either side ("Henry V" act 4 scene 8 lines 72-102) is almost
identical to Holinshed's list with the exception that the latter is in prose.

Holinshed relates how after retreat was blown Henry gathered his
army together and gave thanks to Almighty God for "so happy a victory",
-hen he and his army had refreshed themselves they marnhed back to Calais.
This Shakespeare uses but omits Henry's second campaign which lasted about
four years and was brought to a close by the Treaty of Troyes in 1420.

In "Henry V" after the eelebration of the victory the French king confers
with Henry about the terms of peace, then Henry woos Katherine, and the
final scene is the acceptance of the English terms and the winning of
Katherine.

After Henry's second campaign is described by Holinshed then
comes the return to England, the treaty agreements, and the betrothal
of Henry and Katherine. Hence, it can be seen that Shakespeare omitted
and shortened in his account of these events.

The other source used by Shakespeare for his famous trilogy
which portrays Henry V as prince and king was "Famous Victories of Henry
V". This play was probably written by William Tarlton before 1568.
Tarlton, a comedian who flourished in the reign of Elizabeth, acted the
part of Derricke, the clown; it may be he created the role. Shakespeare
adapted and altered this play to suit his need. ,'e find that one play,
"Famous Victories", originally contained the material which Shakespeare
used in three. In his plays Oldcastle and Derricke disappear and we have
Falstaff( at first Shakespeare used Cldcastle) and Bardolph, who were both
historic persons.

"Famous Victories" has no act and scene arrangement but is one

continuous performance as it were, with exits and entrances of characters.

There were two Bardolphs, Sir William Bardolph who served as Captain of
the Castle of Calais for several years was an historic person. I do not
know whether Shakespeare used the historical person for his character,
Bardolph, or not. The other was the Eastcheap character. (Ldowat, "Henry V"
pages 75-76)

•

Some of these scenes Shakespeare used in his trilogy.

■The opening scene of "Famous Victories" shows prince Hal with
his companions Ktd and Tom just after they have robbed the king's receivers.
The prince swears the receivers to secrecy and promises to reimburse them.
The counterpart to this is in "Henry IV" part I act 2 scene 2 where Shake-
speare uses travellers in place of the king*s receivers and has prince Hal
and Poins rob Falstaff and his friends after they have plundered the travel-
lers.

Shortly after this first scene Derricke and Gobler ( two comic
characters) act out the scene just before where the prince struck the judge.
This may be the source for "Henry IV" part I act 2 scene 4 in which Falstaff
and prince Hal imitate the prince and his father.

The scene in "Famous Victories" between the prince and his father
during which Henry IV chides his son and fears for his kingdom under the
rule of so mad-cap a prince is used by ohakespeare for his famous scene
between Henry IV and Henry V in "Henry IV" pert I act 3 scene 2. The father
and son are finally reconciled; the prince is forgiven by his father and
here shows his true nature. Prince Hal reveals the fact that his reveling
is only on the surface; he is really great and honorable.

Another famous scene portrayed in "Famous Victories" and used by
Shakespeare is the one of the sleeping king, when the Prince of Wales took
the crown because he thought his father was dead, ohr.kespeare portrays
this in "Henry IV" pert II act 4 scene 4. '.Then the Lord of Oxford brought
back the crown and incidentally the prince, Henry IV revealed how unstable
he felt about his claim to the throne. The prince bravely replied that
anyone who tried to take the crown from him must have thicker armor than
his.

Through the speeches of Tom, l\ed, and Cobler in "Famous
Victories" we learn that prince Hal has "been crowned king and "changed
his countenance",^ also that he has sent to France demanding the crown.
This is practically the same as Shakespeare portrays in "Henry IV" part II
act 5 scene 2.

In"iamous Victories" prince Hal had once made the remark that

The Archbishop of Canterbury tells Henry Vf in the play
"Famous Victories", that he has a right to the French crown. Shakespeare
enlarges upon this scene and has the first scene in "Henry V" a discussion
between the Bishops of Ely and Canterbury as to the advisability of divert-
ing the king's mind from a certain bill before Parliament which would deprive
the church of much land and money. In order to do this they advise him
that he has a rightful claim to France. Hence, in act 1 scene 2 of "Henry
V", Shakespeare has the two Bj shops explain the Salique Law and Henry V*s
right to the French throne.

The Dauphin's scornful gift of tennis balls to Henry V is delivered
by the 3ishop of Bruges in "Famous Victories" and by an Ambassador in "Henry
V" act 1 scene 2. The English king calmly received the gift and bravely and
quietly answers the giver.

^fter the advice of his counsellors Henry V decides to go to
France and fight for his rights ("Henry V" act 1 scene 2). In "Famous

1. Adams, "Cnief Fxu»- Shakesperian Drama - page 678

2. -o-dams, "Chief Fre-Shakesperian Drama - page 674

Victories" he appointed as "Protector" of England the Lord Chief Justice
by whom he had been committed to prison as a prince.

In "Famous Victories" the conversation of the French King and the
Constable of France reveal the fact that French troops are in re&diness and
Henry V is besieging Harfleur. The dauphin asked for a command in the
battle and was refused by his father. In "Henry V" act 3 scene 5 Shakespeare
used this material to show that Henry V was carrying out his answer to the
Dauphin.

Harfleur surrendered to the English and the French herald challenged
them to battle. ("Famous Victories") In "Henry V" act 3 scene 1 before Har-
fleur, the English king bravely urged his soldiers to battle in an inspiring
speech; lster in same act, scene 3 Harfleur fell. In act 3 scene 6 Lontjoy
the French herald, challenged the English to battle, Here Shakespeare
enlarged on his source and had scenes intervene between what was all one
scene in "Famous Victories".

</hen the French messenger came with an offer of ransom for Henry
V he haughtily refused and declared that he woald fight. In "Henry V"
act 4 scene 3, ^ontjoy begged the English king to pay his ransom and not
fight, but Henry V refused.

Both "Famous Victories" and "Henry V" show the French envoy ask-
ing permission to bury their dead when Henry V is still uncertain as to the
outcome of the battle. These plays also give the incident of the way the
battle was named.

The discussion of the treaty between the French and the English,
the demands of Henry V are near the end of "Famous Victories". Shakespeare
gives them in "Henry V" act 5 scene 2. The wooing of Katherine, daughter
of the French king, follows right along in "Henry V" and is similar to the
source .

Shakespeare changed the ending a little for in "Famous Victories"
the French nobles and the Duke of 3urgundy swear allegiance to the English
king, bat in "Henry V" the Juke is to take his oath of allegiance on the
wedding day of Henry and Catherine which is to be the first Sunday of the
next month, "«od willing." ("Famous Victories")

Thus we see th&t Shakespeare, in using his source, rejected,
added, and changed the material to suit his need.

29 *

III, analysis of Shakespeare * s Henry V

•Judging from his pl-ys one can be fairly certain that Shakespeare

had a definite plan in mind _s to the portrayal of the character of Herny V.

In "Hichard II, written about four years before "Henry V" and one or two

years before "Henry IV" part I,^may be found these words spoken by Boling-

broke as King Henry IV(Act 5 scene 3)

"Can no man tell me of my unthrifty son?

'Tis full three months since I did see him last;-

If any plague hang over us, 'tis he.

I would to God, my lords, he might be found:

Inquire at London, Vcngst the taverne there,

For there, they say, he daily doth frequent 9

With unrestrained loose companions, -

Even such, they say, as stand in nrrrow lanes,

And beat our watch, and rob our passengers;

-Vhile he, young, want on, and effeminate boy,

Takes on the point of honor to support

3o dissolute a crew."

Percy:-"i-y lord, some two days since I saw the prince,
And told him of these triumphs held at Oxford."

3oling:-"And what said the gallant?"

Percy :-"His answer was,- he would to the stews,

And from the common' st creature pluck a glove,

^nd wear it as a favor; and with that

He would unhorse the lustiest challenger."

Boling:-"-i.s dissolute as desperate; yet through both
I see some sparkles of a better hope,
»'hich elder days may happily bring forth."

Bolingbroke ' s speeches, and the actions of the prince as given
by Percy, are a guide to the character of the Prince of Vales. His father
calls hiii! his "inthrifty" son. The fact that he has not seen his son for
three months may be due to two things,- first, his father has been so busy

1. long, "English Literature" - page 150

"Hichard II" 1594-1595
"Henrv IV" part II IP 9 7

"Henry IV" part I 1596
"Henry V" 1599

•

fighting for the throne he has not had time to think irrach about Prince
Hal; second, the prince had been rioting with his wild oompanions with
little thought of his father. The king also reveals the fact that his son
feels in honor bound to "support so dissolute a crew." Yet the king sees
so-re hope for the future; he thinks that perhaps age will teach his son
discretion, ohakepseare may have used these speeches to foreshadow the
character of Henry V in the plays to come; at any rate, he gives the same
impression of the prince and portrays the same characteristics here as he
does in "Henry IV" parts I and II:- a prince who spenas his time in a life
of companionship with loose and dissolute people, but who at the same time,

shows something which gives hope for better behavior in the future.

"Henry IV" part I, which was written one or two years after

"Richard II", carries out the idea of the character of prince Hal which

were suggested in the earlier play.

In act 1 scene 1 (lines 85-86), Henry IV says that he sees
"riot and dishonor stain the brow" of his son, while Northumberland is
fortunate to h-.rve a son lil<re Hotspur who "is the there of honor's tongue".
(It has been contended by some that Shakespeare used Hotspur as a foil for
prince Hal; all that one was the othor was not.)

Act 1 scene 2 (lines 51-56), between Falstaff and prince Hal,
portrays the fact that Hal "supported" Fal staff and his crew for Pal staff
admits that Hal has always paid his "reckoning" at the tavern. Then the
prince says,- "Yea, and elsewhere, so far as my coin would stretch; and
where it would not, I have used my credit."

in this same scene (lines 92-103) Falstaff 9ays he will reform,

but just as soon as the prince suggests a purse snatching Falstaff agrees
and so does not keep his resolution long, whereas, the prince was a man of
his word as will be seen later. '.Vhen Falstaff learns that pilgrims with

rich offerings to Canterbury, and traders "with fat o\?rses'* to London,
are within his power to rob, he asks Hal to join him. At first the prince
refuses, but when urged by tfalstaff he consents and says (lines 43-44),-
'•".Vell, then, once in my days I'll be a madcap."

At the close of act 1 scene 2 (lines 197-219) prince Hal gives a
soliloquy from which we receive the first hint by himself as to his character
He says that he knows them all and "will awhile uphold the unyok'd humour of
your idleness". In so doing he will imitate the sun(here Shakespeare may
have used a play on the words son and sun ) . which lets the cloud hide it,
and then is "wond'red at" when it appears. IText he makes a very true state-
ment,- " If all the year were playinp holidays,

To sport would seem as tedious as to work."
But scattered holidays are the most enjoyable, he adds; "oo, when this
loose behavior I throw off , (this would make one believe all his wi Id life
was just put on), then he will be better than his word; he will "falsify"
man's hopes and when reformed will be so much better that he will attract
more attention than something which has no foil to set it. off (his wild
behavior versus his good actions and deeds). New he will offend so much
he will become skillful at it and reform when people least expect it of him.

In set 1 scene 3 (line 230) Hotspur speaks of prince Hal as

"that same sword-end-buckler Prince of 'sles". This is Hotspur's first
reference to the prince and shows the contempt in which he held prince Hal.

Act 2 scene 2, the robbery at Gadshill, shows the prince indulg-
ing in the sport of robbing Falstaff and his company after they have
robbed the travellers, as the prince had promised Poins at the time Falstaff
persuaded Henry to join him. (see above reference to act 1 scene 3 lines
92-103) .

Act 2 scene 4 portrays the "prince at 3oar's Head Tavern, ^astcheap
among Falstaff and his companions. This scene illustrates the fact that Prince
Hal enjoyed a good joke. He has made friends with the drawers and £,'ets
Poins to call one of them - Francis - until he is so distracted he doesn't
know which way to turn. The prince enjoys the discomfiture of poor Francis.

In the same scene Falstaff later says,- H A plague of all
cowards i" (line 115), and calls the prince and Poins cowards for leaving
him. It is some time before he is convinced that he was robbed by them.
However, he claims tc have known them all the time and just to have been
leading them on to see what they would say for themselves. For he says

(lines 266-279),- "I knew ye as well as he that made ye was it for me

to kill the heir-apparent? Should I turn upon the true prince?

Instinct is a great matter; I was a coward now on instinct The Question
is, - did he really recognize him or not? Strange, but he claims tc be
so brave and valiant, still his actions portray him as cowardly, and yet
he reiterates,- " a plague of all cowards". Truly, there is a strange
mixture in his nature. A. 1 though Falstaff calls the r>rince a coward it is
not true. This is a way Falstaff has of covering up his own shortcomings
and has nothing to do with the character of the prince.

In this same act and scene tre prince and Falstaff act as Henry
IV ana the prince for a little diversion. First, Falstaff takes the part
of Henry IV and rebukes the prince for his companions but says that Falstaff
is a virtuous man, tells the prince to banish all his low companions but

Falstaff. Next the prince takes the part of his father and Falstaff of
the prince. Prince Hal rebukes Falstaff ( as the prince) for his friendly
relations with such a fellow as Falstaff. »vhen Falstaff tries to defend

himself he tells the prince totanish all but "Old Jack Falstaff

Banish plump Jack, and banish all the world1*. The prince replies (line 72),
"1 io, I will." It is a question whether Henry had the banishment in mind
at this time or not. Yet it may be a foreshadowing of the rejection and
banishment of Falstaff by Henry V after his coronation; however, did
Falstaff realize this? It seems doubtful to me because of Falstaff 's
greeting to Henry V as king, which was just as cordial as in the days when
they frolicked together.

This same act and scene gives another instance of the support of
the r>rince for Falstaff and his friends. The sheriff and his men come in
search of Falstaff for the robbery of the travellers. The prince( lines
499-517) meets them alone, promises to repay the money lost by the traveller
and sends them off. Then be tells one of Falstaff 's men that the money
shall be paid back with interest, the money shall be paid back again
with advantage ". (line 540)

Act 3- scene 2 is a scene between the prince and his father —

how different from the burlesque just seen! King Henry IV feels that

the actions of his son are a punishment to him for the says, -(lines 9-17)

" thou art only mark*d

To punish my mistreadings . Tell me else,

Oould such inordinate and low desires,

Such poor, such bare, such lewd, such mean attempts,

Such barren pleasures, rude society,

A. s thou art matched withal and grafted to,

-c company the greatness of thy blood

And hold their level with thy princely heart?"

The king accuses his son of "inordinate and lev desires", "barren pleasures,

rude society". Here are some of the things referred to by Bolingbroke as

•

King Henry IV in "Richard II" act 5 scene 3. The prince replies that he
may have erred a little at times hut most of the stories which reach his
father are false, made up by those who wish to spread news for the sake of
so doing1. However, prince Kal "begs pardon for what he has done and says
(lines 26-28),- "I may, for some things true, wherein my youth

Hath faulty wand' red and irregular,
Find pardon on my true submission,"
The king continues to tell how all men foresee the downfall of the prince,
he even pictures the re.-lm under such a king( lines 60-75); next his father
tells how he lost his "princely privilege" because of his !,vile partici-
pation". Prince Hal replies ( lines 92-93),-

"I shall hereafter, my thrice gracious lord
Be more myself."

This speech strengthens the thought that prince Hal is just playing a part

as he said in his first soliloquy (act 1 scene 2).

When the king tells his son of his foes, the prince requests his

father to give him a command in the army that he may go conquer Hotspur and

thus redeem himself (lines 129-159). The Prince of ... les says,-

" I do beseech your majesty may salve

The long-grown wounds of my intemperance:
If not, the end of life cancels all bands;
And I will die a hundred thousand deaths ^
lire break the smallest parcel of this vow."

This is the high spot of the play. Here the prince shows his

father his true nature. Henry IV s thundering response,-

"A hundred thousand rebels die in this: c,
Thpv shalt hive charge and sovereign trust therein."

proves th-.t he believes in his son and will trust prince Hal to do his best.

1. "Henry IV" part I act 3 scene 2 lis. 155-159

2. "Henry IV" part I act 3 scene 2 lis. 160-161

•

Act 3 scene 3, the very last of the act , enforces the change
in the prince when he says (lines 203-204),-

"The land is burning, Percy stands on high;
And either we or they must lower lie."

The prince in his speech here reveals some of his ability to
plan and to command in military matters. He is very businesslike and gives

his orders like a captain. His thoughts are all upon the fighting to come;

his pranks are forgotten in the seriousness of the matter at hand. Prince

Hal for the first time, except with his father, shows his real nature. At

the same time Falstaff remains unchanged, for although he is to join the
army, his first thought now is "breakfast".

In act 4 scene 1 Hotspur again shows his contempt for the prince

when he speaks of him as "the nimble-footed madcap Prince of 7.fales". The

Vernon speaks in praise of prince Hal. After describing the men-at-arms

he says (lines 104-110),-

"I saw young Harry, with his beaver on,
His cuisses on his thighs, gallantly arm'd
Rise frorr the ground like feathered l.ercury,
oid vaulted with such ease into his seat,
As if an angel dropp'd down from the clouds,
To turn and wind a fiery ^egasus
And witch the world with noble horsemanship."

From this it seems the prince was a good horseman. 'The only references to
the prince in this act are through the mouths of his enemies. Everything
said by them is to his favor and in his praise. Even though Hotspur held
the Prince of Vgiei in contempt and was not afraid to show it, the other
members of the opposing party respected prince Hal and saw some good in
him, as can be seen from their praise of him. The prince himself appears
with Falstaff and his army of scarecrows, but this has no important bear-
ing on his character.

In act 5 scene 1 the prince acknowledges his faults when he says

in his challenge to Hotspur (line 94) "I have a truant been to chivalry,"

when Vernon gives prince Hal*s challenge to Hotspur, he again praises the

prince and says that people have thought wrongly of the prince, ( lines 66-69),

" but let ire tell the world

If he outlive the envy of his day,
England did never owe so sweet a hope,
So much misconstrued in bis wantonness."

Thereupon Hotspur replies he never heard " Of any prince so wild a libertine".

'line 72), which still shows a contemptuous attitude, though he hopes to

meet the prince in battle.

In act 5 scene 4 the prince is wounded and bleeding, but courage-
ously refuses to leave the field of battle (lines 11-12),-

"i-nd God forbid a shallow scratch should drive
•the -Prince of »ules from such a field as this."

In this same scene when the King's life in endangered by Douglas
the prince saves his father and tells Douglas (lines 42-43),-

"It is the Prince of .«ales that threatens thee;
Who never promiseth but he means to pay."
Prince Hal was a man of his word. The result of saving his father's life
was a much better opinion. As Henry IV put it (line 46),-
"Thou hast redeemed thy lost opinion."

This scene also portrays the death of Hotspur at the hands of
prince Hal. The prince shows his nobility and courtesy when he bids
farewell to Hotsnur ( lines 66-101),-

" Fare thee well, great he art I

Ill-weaved ambition, how much art thou shrunk!
'.Vhen that this body did contain a spirit,
A, kingdom for it was too small a bound;
But now, two paces of the vilest earth
Is room enough, - This earth that hears the dead
Bears not alive so stout a gentleman.
If thou wert sensible of courtesy,
I should not make so dear a show of zeals*
But let my favours hide thy mangled face;
uid, even in thy behalf, I'll thank myself
' For doing these fair rites of tenderness.